A Blog of Moktel Hossain Mukthi

বাংলার মাটিতে কোনো রাজাকার আল বদর আল শামস'এর জায়গা নেই ।

I congratulate the Present Govt. for taking initiatives against those criminals on trial under International Tribunal Act. Go ahead the Govt. of Sheikh Hasina, we all patriot of Bangladesh are with you. Most importantly, Allah is with us. Allah is always with those who are with the truth. In 1971, two supreme power US and China were with them. But Allah was with unarmed Bangali. So we won the war. Though we lost our beloved ones but we got our desired Bangladesh. We do believe, we are with the truth. So victory will be ours.

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Masterminds of ‘75 killings, Aug 21 attack the same : Advocate Shahara Khatun, Minister for Home Affairs

Masterminds of ‘75 killings, Aug 21 attack the same : Advocate Shahara Khatun, Minister for Home Affairs

15-August-1975
Home affairs minister Advocate Sahara Khatun said that the masterminds of the killing of Bangabandhu in 1975, the grenade attack on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 21 and the attempt to smuggle 10 truckloads of arms in 2004 have been masterminded by the same group and followers of the same ideology. ‘The Pakistanis wanted to kill Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman several times during their reign so their associates killed him, along with most of his family, in independent Bangladesh,’ she said while addressing a roundtable on ‘The national mourning day, grenade attack on August 21 and Chittagong arms haul — in quest of the godfathers’ at Dhanmondi. The roundtable, chaired by Justice Golam Rabbani, was organized by the Heritage Foundation of Bangladesh. It was addressed by chairman of the parliamentary standing committee on the law ministry Suranjit Sengupta, state minister for law Qamrul Islam, former state minister Abul Hassan Chowdhury, former ambassador Waliur Rahman, former secretary Syed Rezaul Hayat and Dr Syed Anwar Hossain, along with others. Farhad Hossain, associate professor of the English department of Mohammadpur Kendrio Biswabiddalaya College, and Mamun-ur-Rashid, senior reporter of the daily Janakantha, read out separate keynote papers at the round table. Sahara Khatun said that the national trauma has been partially cured by the execution of the five killers of Bangabandhu on January 27 this year. Notices have already been issued through Interpol to find the six fugitive killers and they must be brought back within the shortest possible time, she said, adding that the godfathers behind the killing of Bangabandhu are still active inside and outside the country. Those godfathers were behind the grenade attack on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 21 August, 2004 because they wanted to destroy the leadership of Awami League to complete their earlier mission, said Sahara, adding that the same group tried to smuggled 10 truckloads of arms into the country for launching widespread destructive operations in Bangladesh. She said that the anti-liberation forces defeated in 1971 have been putting up obstructions to stop the trial of war criminals and urged all to be careful and united against these embittered militant forces. Suranjit Sengupta said that counter-revolutionary forces killed Bangabandhu in 1975, and later their leader General Zia tried to turn the country into a mini-Pakistan in the name of multi-party democracy. Terming the present time as very crucial, he called upon all the pro-liberation forces to be united against those godfathers and their associates who are still active in many ways and under many banners. State minister for law Qamrul Islam said that the killers of Bangabandhu had tried to demolish the spirit of the liberation war in order to reunite the country with Pakistan in line with the two-nation theory. Accusing General Zia of being involved in the killing of Bangabandhu, the state minister alleged that his wife Khaleda Zia had also tried to kill Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and most of the senior Awami League leaders by launching the grenade attack on 21 August, 2004. Terming General Zia as an ‘intruder’ in the liberation war, he said that after the killing of Bangabandhu, Zia proved his anti-liberation stance by sheltering Bangabandhu’s killers, rehabilitating Razakars like Shah Aziz into politics and killing hundreds of freedom-fighters in the army like Colonel Abu Taher Bir Uttam. Accusing former state minister Lutfozzaman Babar of masterminding the grenade attack on 21 August, 2004, Qamrul said that the forces that killed Bangabandhu in 1975 and tried to smuggle arms through the CUFL’s jetty in Chittagong were the same.
THE GRENADE ATTACK ON SHEIKH HASINA: THE WHY AND HOW OF A NEUTRAL INVESTIGATION
The Attack and the Immediate Reaction
The grenade attack on Awami League rally at Bangabandhu Avenue on 21 August was undoubtedly aimed at assassination of Sheikh Hasina. Before she could leave the place of occurrence there were at least 9 grenade blasts and many rounds of shooting. A very determined and well-planned attack was launched and it was carried out in about a couple of minutes. Despite heavy, although less than normal, deployment of police personnel and strict security arrangements in the area the criminals fled the spot safely.
By the grace of Allah Sheikh Hasina escaped this dastardly attack as a number of Awami League leaders and workers laid down their lives, some in attempting to save her and others as innocent victims of the barbarous arrack. We bemoan the loss of Ivy Rahman, secretary of women’s affairs of Awami League, and 21 other dead souls. Hundreds of leaders and workers are still fighting for life and many have been permanently maimed. We pray for their recovery and solace.
In its immediate reaction Awami League termed it as a planned assassination attempt and unequivocally accused the government for its complicity in the attack. It was a repeat performance of 15 August 1975 when Bangabandhu and members of his family and other relations and staff were murdered most brutally. It was suspected that the same reactionary forces, the defeated rajakars and fundamentalists and the slaves of Pakistan, were once again back in their nefarious pursuit. Awami League also saw in this attack a culmination of the overall state of lawlessness, the rise of extremist groups and series of murders of AL leaders and bomb or grenade attacks on secular institutions and gatherings all over the country. All other opposition parties concurred with such an assessment. All the opposition forces considered it to be an attack on liberal traditions of the country, an attack on democracy and secularism.
Why did the Awami League accuse the government immediately following the grenade attack? From past experience it was suspected that investigation would be misdirected and it would be eyewash. The incident was so serious that it required a thorough scrutiny and it was felt that the government should be put on notice not to neglect the gravity of the issue.
The Background and the Attack of 21 August
Since the BNP-Jamat alliance came to power nearly three years ago terrorism got a new lease of life in the country. Under the patronage of the ruling parties violence directed against the members of minority communities and against opposition forces flourished and threat to the life of Sheikh Hasina increased exponentially.Before the end of 2001 they annulled the law on security for Sheikh Hasina and her sister and withdrew the protection provided by the SSF. Because of constant threat on the lives of the only surviving children of the Father of the Nation such a law was enacted in 2001 prior to Sheikh Hasina’s completion of term as the Prime Minister. A General Diary entry made in a police station on 30 November 2001 recorded by Sohail Taj, newly elected MP of Kapasia, stated that in view of the threat on the lives of the members of the family of the Father of the Nation this annulment of the law would prompt conspiracy by evil terrorist forces to assassinate them and attempt murder. How prophetic was the perception of the young MP!
In actual fact since 2002 four assassination attempts have been made on Sheikh Hasina’s life. At first at Naogaon on 4 March 2002, second on 29 August 2003 at Satkhira, third on 26 February 2004 at Barisal Ferryghat and the next on 2 April at Gournadi. On every occasion proper attention of the government was drawn and protection sought. Almost invariably armed cadres of BNP were involved in these attacks. On 5 July 2004 when she was on tour at Istanbul in Turkey she was threatened on telephone both at Istanbul and at Dhaka. As usual the government was requested to investigate and take precautionary measures. But the government followed the policy of benign neglect and Khaleda Zia instead joked about it in parliament.The most violent grenade attack on 21 August was the culmination of all these incidents and it happened in broad daylight in the presence of hundreds of security personnel and in a crowded public rally. A series of grenades were thrown and several rounds of gunfire followed it and the criminals escaped unharmed and undetected. The police it seemed helped them to flee by clubbing and tear gassing the milling crowd.
It was a widely publicized political protest gathering and numerous agencies and offices of the government monitored it. The various branches of the police, the different intelligence agencies, the civil administration, and the municipal authorities – no one had a clue and no one could identify a criminal not to speak of catching or injuring any. Even almost a month after the incident there is no suspect or no arrest of a possible culprit.
The after-thought of the ruling junta, now reported to have been indirectly legitimized by the farce of a judicial probe, about the unannounced change of venue for the rally is just false. True that permission was sought for Muktangon but used to the usual government tactics of frustrating all plans for protest rallies or gatherings at the last moment alternative arrangements had to be made for Bangabandhu Avenue, only a few steps away. This fascist government never allows any protest demonstration by anybody and tries to frustrate them through various devices such as last minute denial of police permission for location, attack by their cadres, and illegal police barricade and resort to lathi charge, teargas shells and arrests. Bangabandhu Avenue as the venue, however, was widely publicized through microphone announcements and advertisements in newspapers for a number of days. The fact that the venue was Bangabandhu Avenue was so public that electronic media took position in advance of the event at that place to cover the rally.
The legitimate question is what were the security personnel engaged in protecting the Leader of the Opposition and other officials deployed for the rally doing? How did all the intelligence agencies fail to cope with the situation? Is it utter incompetence or criminal negligence? Or is it complicity of the government in the preplanned and well-rehearsed assassination attempt?Let us look at the allegation of complicity of the government. The spread of violence, the growth of extremist groups and the record of investigation of the last three years may first be examined to find some clues. Then we can look at the developments since the attack.
Spread of ViolenceIncidents of violence involving use of explosives began in 1999 and it was thought that the intention was destabilization of the polity as well as the economy of the country. A list of all these incidents is provided below. During AL period there were seven incidents of bomb blast, two in the last month of its term. Investigation on two incidents resulted in submission of charge sheet against accused persons and trials were about to begin. Help from FBI was also sought in one of these cases. In connection with two other incidents investigations led to arrests of a few suspects. On three other incidents, including the two latest ones, investigation was incomplete. Thus there is no truth in the allegation that these cases were not investigated properly. We shall soon find out how all the cases and investigations have been derailed or halted by Khaleda-Nizami junta.
In three months of Caretaker government there were three more cases. The junta has closed two cases failing to find any accused person and only one case is still under investigation. The Caretaker government dealt conclusively with only one incident that took place earlier. They closed investigation on Khulna Ahmadiya incident by submitting a final report on 23 August 2001.During BNP-Jamat rule of three years there has been 8 incidents of bomb blasts and 4 more of grenade throw. There are also several cases of seizure of cachet of arms and explosives. Investigations started by AL government were either halted or started afresh by the BNP-Jamat junta. In the Udichi case 24 persons were charge sheeted. BNP-Jamat government withdrew the charge against one of the main accused Tariqul Islam, alleged to have links with underground terrorist groups of south Bangladesh, and made him a Minister. In the Kotalipara case 15 persons were charge sheeted and one of the main accused Mufti Hannan was let off and reportedly he is abroad now. All action on the case stands stayed. The CPB case also a final report has closed the case. Action on three other cases has been held up on the plea of fresh investigation against new accused persons. Of the three incidents occurring during Caretaker regime two have already been closed by the junta by submitting final reports. It seems that the junta is following a policy of closing all cases submitting final reports that say that the case is true but criminals are not traceable. What can be a better way of shielding the criminals after fishing in troubled waters in wrong directions!
As far as the later twelve incidents are concerned in only two cases – Sakhipur and Dinajpur incidents charge sheets have been submitted and all the rest are under investigation. In one of them involving attack on British High Commissioner Scotland Yard came to look into the matter but there is no news on what they did or what advice they tendered.The junta’s position on all the cases is that the Awami League and its followers were responsible for the incidents and they tried unsuccessfully to get this conclusion certified by a judicial commission headed by a former Judge A Bari Sarkar. Incidentally the report had to be trashed because of the partisan views and extra-judicial inferences of Bari Sarkar. In another case of Gulshan Hotel Sylhet they arrested an expatriate Bengali Nunu Mia because of his AL connections and tortured him in custody but let him off after his MP from UK asked for proper investigation The junta in each case actually shields the culprits by pointing the accusing finger at AL leaders and workers. There are three important points to ponder over. First, all acts of violence were directed at secular and progressive institutions and Awami League or forces supporting Awami League. Second, none of the attacks targeted any BNP or Jamat rallies or their leaders and workers. Third, the frequency of such incidents increased from about the time of transfer of power by AL government, to be precise there have been 15 incidents since June 2001.
A tabular review of the major incidents of violence since 1999 is provided below:
Date of the case Deaths Place State of Investigation
AL Period Bomb blasts
1. 7 March 1999 10 Jessore Udichi conference Charge-sheet submitted against 24 accused persons during AL time on 14 December 1999. Appeal lodged in the High Court Division to quash the case was dismissed. After the junta took over accused Tariqul Islam (now Minister) was let off by the Appellate Division. The trial has since been halted and no further information is available.
2. 8 October 1999 8 Khulna Ahmadiya mosque The case was under investigation and the Caretaker government submitted final report closing it on 23 August 2001.
3. 20 July 2000 0 Kotalipara helipad Gopalganj FBI called and charge-sheet submitted against 19 accused persons during AL time on 8 April 2001. The junta bailed out accused Mufti Hannan (a leader of the junta) and halted further proceedings. Mufti Hannan was earlier charge-sheeted in another explosives case on 25 January 2001. No further progress.
4. 20 January 2001 7 Dhaka CPB conference at Paltan Maidan Investigations led to arrest of 12 suspects. Final report closing the case was submitted by the junta on 17 December 2003.
5. 14 April 2001 11 Ramna Batamul Dhaka Two cases filed during AL time and 12 suspects arrested. But the junta ordered reinvestigation. No progress since then.
6. 3 June 2001 10 Gopalganj church at Moksedpur Two cases filed during AL time. The junta ordered reinvestigation. No progress since then.
7. 16 June 2001 22 Narayanganj AL office Three cases filed during AL time. Two cases have been closed by the junta and final reports submitted on 27 January 2003. The other case has been halted for six months on 17 July 2004.
Caretaker Period Bomb blasts
1. 3 September 2001 8 Bagerhat AL rally at Mollahat Case has been close and final report submitted on 7 December 2003.
2. 27 September 2001 4 Targeting Sylhet AL meeting Under investigation.
3. 28 September 2001 3 Satkhira fair, Cinema hall & Lions Circus pandel Case close and final report submitted 0n 31 January 2004.
BNP-Jamat Period Bomb blasts
1. 7 December 2002 27 Mymensingh four Cinema halls AL leaders, intellectuals and journa¬lists arrested and tortured. But Judicial enquiry exonerated political activists. Investigation proceeding in slow pace.
2. 17 January 2003 7 Sakhipur carnival Tangail Investigation led to submission of charge sheet against 7 accused on 30 June 2003. But little progress thereafter.
3. 13 February 2003 0 Dinajpur Charge-sheet submitted against 4 accused persons on 25 May 2004.
4. 13 January 2004 5 Shah Jalal Mazar Sylhet No progress
5. 28 January 2004 2 Narayanganj Mela No progress
6. 21 February 2004 0 Language day meet Mymensingh No progress
7. 5 August 2004 1 Sylhet three Cinema halls No progress
8. 5 September 2004 2 Sylhet Cantonment area No progress
Grenade attack
9. 21 May 2004 5 Shah Jalal Mosque Sylhet. UK HC targeted. No progress
10. 21 June 2004 3 AL meeting in Derai Sunamganj. S Sengupta MP targeted. No progress
11.7 August 2004 1 Gulshan AL Meeting Sylhet. Mayor targeted. Fishing for clues
12. 21 August 2004 23 Bangabandhu Ave AL office. Sk Hasina targeted. Fishing for clues
Reportedly a large number of localized gangs of terrorists function under the patronage of leaders of the ruling junta. Notable among them are gangs associated with BNP leaders such as Minister Tariqul Islam MP of Jessore, Advisor to PM S Q Chowdhury MP of Chittagong, State Minister Lutfuzzaman Babar MP of Netrokona, State Minister Amanullah Aman MP of Dhaka, State Minister Ehsanul Huq Milan MP of Chandpur, Advisor to PM Barkatullah Bulu of Noakhali, State Minister Alamgir Kabir MP of Naogaon, State Minister Fazlur Rahman Patal MP of Natore, Deputy Minister Ruhul Quddus Dulu MP of Natore, Major (retd) Sayeed Iskandar MP of Noakhali, PM’s son Tareq Rahman of Bogra, Helaluzzaman Lalu MP of Bogra, Selim Reza Habib MP of Pabna, Nasiruddin Pintu MP of Dhaka, M Ilyas Ali MP of Sylhet, Shahidul Alam Talukdar MP of Patuakhali and Shahjahan Chowdhury MP of Chitta¬gong.
Another worrisome point is the stance taken by the junta on the trial of the heinous assassinations of 1975 – the assassination of Bangabandhu, his family and colleagues on 15 August and the murder of the four leaders of our Liberation war in jail on 3 November. The beneficiary of the assassination was undoubtedly General Ziaur Rahman. He richly rewarded the killers with diplomatic assignments. He also ensured indemnity for them by constitutionally protecting the unethical and illegal Indemnity Order of 1975. The Awami League government held the trial of the killers of 15 August 1975 under the normal law of the land. The sentencing in the trial was completed and it awaited Supreme Court ratification. Not only has this process been made impossible by this junta but they have also chosen to bestow favour on sentenced criminals. Major Pasha died as a fugitive from law who was sentenced to death. He has been reinstated after his death and his family given his pension. In the 3 November 1975 jail killing case, which had not concluded, the junta released a number of accused persons on bail and reinstated Major Khairuzzaman and also gave him promotion. Some of the killers when they enjoyed immunity set up an armed cadre called Freedom Party and it went into hiding during the assassination and jail killing trials. This cadre seems to have got a new lease of life as Khaleda-Nizami junta assumed power. It would not be wild to speculate that some of these killers, fugitive in the eyes of the law, may have been involved in the grenade attack. They had publicly threatened to kill Sheikh Hasina when they were active and interestingly live grenades were found within the covered walls of the jail soon after the grenade attack of 21 August. Let it not be forgotten the leader of the Freedom Party Col. Faruq is in the death row in the jail.
Growth of Extremism
The extremists groups started forming with financial patronage from Saudi Arabia, Libya and Iraq since the success of the Counter Revolution in 1975. These sources have now gone dry. The Madrassas and camps for Indian insurgents in border areas of Chittagong, Hill Tracts and Sylhet acted as the early breeding ground for the extremists. Awami League government destroyed most training camps taking advantage of peace accord with the tribes of Hill Tracts. It is suspected that many of them have resurfaced again. Another breeding ground was the Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar where Jamat with Saudi NGO Rabita remained active. Madrassa and Maktabs in 1974 were about 1500, today their number is about 21,000. Most of them are archaic institutions preaching superstition and fundamentalism. AL government targeted some extremist groups such as Harkatul Jehad and some Madrassas but these were lukewarm steps.
Under BNP-Jamat government the extremists’ groups have glory days, indeed. Most of them are closely associated with Jamat while some others have links with left turncoats now in BNP. They are identified and occasionally arrested or banned but secretly the ruling junta nurtures them. It is also noteworthy that prominent rightist leaders who are now in power publicly boast of fundamentalist revolution in Bangladesh and burial of secular traditions. Just a few cases are enumerated below:
• On 8 March 1999 in a public meeting in Dhaka Fazlul Huq Amini (now an Alliance MP) thundered, “I am a follower of Osama bin Laden, I am a Taliban. Crores of Taliban are in this country. Hence like Afghanistan here also will be Taliban revolution.” There were others to beat the same drum. They have never recanted or revised their position.
• Sohrab Khan a leader of Hijbut Towhid was arrested on 19 September 2001 in south Bangladesh. He was released and rearrested on 17 June 2002. This group is active in Kushtia, Meherpur, Chuadanga, Jhenidah, Barisal, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Tangail, Narayanganj, Sylhet and Chittagong. They not only preach violence but also attack villages and kills people. But there is no attempt to curb their activities.
• On 20 May 2002 the police nabbed a group of eight extremist of Jamatul Mujahidin in Dinajpur, supposed to be linked to Kashmiri and Taliban extremists. They were enlarged on bail and soon afterwards another group of five was arrested in Bagerhat with a huge cachet of explosives, who admitted that they wanted to kill an Awami League leader. They were also released after a while. The bomb blast in Dinajpur on 13 February 2003 was also traced to this group but no arrests were made. Then followed the big haul in Chapai Nawabganj on 11 March 2003 of both arms and activists. But this Jamat is active in many districts such as Dinajpur, Panchagarh, Thakurgaon, Gaibandha, Joypurhat, Bogra, Naogaon, Chapai Nawabganj, Jamalpur, Kishoreganj & Bagerhat.
• On 6 December 2002 Khatib of Baitul Mokarram Obaidul Huq, recalled from retirement by the junta, sermonized that celebration of the Bengali New Year’s Day is not for Muslims. He also makes outlandish remarks about destroying other countries and ostracizing Qadiyanis. He is a favourite of Khaleda Zia.
• On 8 February 2003 one Kawsar Siddiqi held a press conference in Rajshahi announcing the emergence of Shahadat al Hikma organized in military formations with the avowed purpose of defying the core values of Bangladesh. This group claiming 36,000 trained volunteers preached straightforward sedition and the patronizing government had difficulty in holding them in check.
• The month of May 2004 was full of stories on exploits of one Azizur Rahman alias Siddiqur Rahman better known as Bangla Bhai. With the support of police he created havoc in north Bangladesh in the name of punishing the so-called communist Sarbaharas. The Prime Minister ordered his arrest but the Jamat Minister Nizami announced that he was a mythical figure and the scoundrel is still functioning executing his extreme laws of brutal killing, arson and destruction.
• All political murders in Khulna or Jessore are attributed to Janajuddaha, a clandestine extremist cadre. It is reported that a terrorist arrested by AL government by making a deal with some powerful leaders of the BNP-Jamat Alliance escaped captivity. Very soon his reincarnation meant the emergence of Janajuddha.
Progress in investigation of incidents of violence
What transpires is that terrorism is flourishing in the country and extremists groups are having a field day. There is no genuine attempt at arresting the present trend of exponential growth in violence and extremism. Investigations are not made seriously, cases are hushed up after trying unsuccessfully to blame the AL and the government really nurse and encourage the breakdown of law and order. Partly it is because of their past links and habits and partly it is because they have politicized and ruined the efficiency of the police and perhaps partly because of the utter incompetence of the junta.
There have been a number of interceptions of smuggled arms such as at Kahalu in Bogra, at Uttara and Kuril in the outskirts of Dhaka and at CUFL jetty in Chittagong. In each case the investigation has been directed against AL workers or innocent low level labourers although BNP-Jamat activists are clearly involved. The moment an investigation points at ruling junta goons or leaders it comes to a grinding halt. In the Chittagong case the trial court has been asking searching questions about investiga¬tion details, preservation of evidence and charging the real culprits. Reportedly SQ Chowdhury MP’s vessels were carrying the explosives and they were being unloaded at a jetty under the control of the Jamat Minister Nizami. Incidentally SQ Chowdhury only a few days back threatened to take on Sheikh Hasina as he accused her of preventing his election as Secretary General of OIC.
There is no progress similarly in any investigation or any information on what is happening. They further allege that the ruling junta and terrorist groups under its patronage perpetrate all these acts. Terrorism comes naturally to BNP; its founder engaged the DGFI and NSI (units of law enforcing agencies) to organize terrorists among students and youth and this process was strengthened under Khaleda Zia’s earlier term as the Prime Minister. Jamat maintains arms cadre because their objective is assumption of state power by hook or by crook and they stand committed to jehad or religious war.
Government Performance after the Attack
Now let us direct our attention specifically to the grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina on 21 August at Bangabandhu Avenue. What is the perception of the government about this national tragedy? How have they reacted to it? What steps have the government taken since then? Have they been sincere in dealing with a national tragedy? Does their attitude or action inspire any trust and confidence in their ability to cope with the crisis?
• Far from experiencing shock and grief on this tragic and somber occasion the government tried to throttle natural expression of condolence and grief. They beat up condolence processions and meetings all over the country. They even disgraced the last religious rites (i.e. JANAZA) of the dead people by deliberately delaying the delivery of dead bodies and possibly secreted some dead bodies as well. Janaza of respected national leader Ivy Rahman could not be held at her hometown because of violent resistance by BNP goons backed up by the police.
• Khaleda Zia and others of the government issued statements condoling the death of the victims of the attack and sympathizing with their relations, friends and colleagues. But strangely although the entire nation thought so the ruling junta never acknowledged that it was an attempt on Sheikh Hasina’s life. They emphasized only the destabilizing impact of the attack. Khaleda Zia as per news reports even chided her coalition partners for condemning the attack on Sheikh Hasina. Then Khaleda Zia, apparently on second thought, staged a public relations gimmick of calling on Sheikh Hasina. The wish was expressed with great fanfare to the press before it was made to the victim. Is not it a little weird that the statement on the so-called desire for a meeting should be so drafted as to annoy Sheikh Hasina and then the fiasco about visiting her should be carefully orchestrated? Interestingly the press was given the statement well before it was faxed to Sheikh Hasina. Could not one surmise under the circumstances that the government thinks that if Hitler, Mussolini or Salazar could achieve so much without the existence of so powerful media and so destructive weapons of suppression, for them equipped with modern tools the sky is the limit for goebelian lies and high handed operations?
• The government has taken some steps against petty employees for dereliction of duty in connection with the grenade attack. But just look at the people against whom action has been taken. 10 prison guards have been suspended because they could not explain how a grenade was found within the walled jail compound. For failure to give due importance to the news the Director General of BTV has been made an OSD and the Producer has been suspended. An intelligence failure of such magnitude and a security mess in the presence of hundreds of policemen on duty do not seem to have registered with the government. No action has been taken against the State Minister for Home, the Home Secretary, the Inspector General of Police, the Dhaka Police Commissioner or the Heads of Intelligence Agencies or Police Officers in charge of the event. Nor has anyone of them offered to resign. Not even anyone in charge of various services at the place of occurrence has been closed or transferred to facilitate unbiased investigation.
• Then to hoodwink the people they set up a commission of enquiry with one Judge of questionable neutrality, who was even rejected by the Supreme Court lawyers association. Rejected by the political opposition and by the lawyers of the Supreme Court this Judge without any sense of honour went ahead with his enquiry. His publicity campaign before and after submitting his report only confirms his partisan nature and his habit of making unsubstantiated political statement. On the other hand the Supreme Court Bar association set up a commission of its own but the government is not giving them any quarters yet.
• In order to further deceive the people they sought assistance from Interpol. Interpol is a federation of all police forces of the world and they can provide technical assistance to any member country by drawing on the pooled resources of the world. But they work as directed and supervised by the host government. Surely they make their own judgment but it is obviously based on what they get to know from their hosts. They also report to their hosts. This could be a good investigation but since the government draws the terms of reference, the government provides the facts and information and the government decides what to do with their views and reports this cannot by any stretch of imagination be a neutral investigation.
• If a proper and neutral enquiry was really wanted or if a competent investigation was really desired there were ways to do it. In the first instance in this climate of mistrust and questionable credentials of the government the enquiry should have been finalized in consultation with the Opposition. The investigation should have been started forthwith with superintendence vested in some bipartisan authority. Many other ways could be thought of to give due importance to the catastrophe and ensure a national response.
• Instead a normal investigation was launched and it could not be more incompetent or more inefficient. As per newspaper reports for five days the investigating team did not visit the place of occurrence nor did they inspect the bullet struck vehicle till much later. Then they collected exhibits from the place of occurrence from AL workers and volunteers who preserved them and it is now well known that they have not only contaminated them but also destroyed some of them. They removed the truck that was converted into the podium and handed it back to the owner, possibly to wipe off all useful evidence. They seized all videotapes on the incident and what is the guarantee that they have not doctored them? It is not known if they instantaneously interrogated any eye-witnesses or suspects except one of their own who was on security duty with Sheikh Hasina. It is reported that the Interpol teams were shocked by the appalling incompetence of the investigation.
A Proper and Neutral Enquiry & Investigation
Awami League from the very beginning has been asking for a thorough enquiry and unbiased and competent investigation. As stated above they have no trust in the government – neither on its capacity nor on its willingness. They believe that the government is a party to the conspiracy that was bold enough to stage the attack and vanish into thin air after making the partially failed attempt. They suggested that either the Commonwealth secretariat could handle the job or the UN could be invited to do it.
The Commonwealth secretariat does not have a police force or investigative arm at all. But it has the capacity to mount any operation when requested by a member country. They could get police forces of many members to form a team to undertake the assignment. In this case the investigation team would report to the C’wealth secretariat. They would define the terms of reference certainly in consultation with the parties in Bangladesh. They would ask for making available all information to the investigation team. The team would be responsible to them. It would not involve any surrender of sovereignty to a foreign country.
The other alternative is the United Nations. Interpol already has an agreement with the UN to assist the Office of Internal Oversight, which is its audit office. So there is the possibility of UN using the services of Interpol. But more germane than this is the mechanism set up on 28 September 2001 by resolution 1373 to deal with international terrorism. It has set up a Counter-Terrorism Committee of the Security Council to implement the resolution. The Secretary General in his turn under the direction of the Committee has set up an Executive Directorate for the Counter-Terrorism Committee. This Directorate has a staff at its disposal mainly to collect information on efforts of member states to counter terrorism, to provide technical assistance to them to enhance their capacities and to ensure follow-up of the Committee’s decisions. This has in-house capacity and it can call on Interpol or national police agencies for support.
All governments are required to report on the counter terrorism measures and activities in their countries. In such reports legislation on counter-terrorism, machinery for executing the laws, and the actual actions and omissions are covered. In fact, a report on the state of counter-terrorism is provided. Bangladesh submitted its report for 2002 and the report for 2003 is due. The incident of 21 August is serious enough for the Counter-Terrorism Committee to get involved in its reporting and assessment. Bangladesh government should ask UN Counter-Terrorism Committee to undertake this investigation. This is the only way to avoid interventions by individual countries willing to help and seek multilateral intervention. No investigation of which the tainted government of Khaleda Zia is in charge has any credibility or acceptance.
Newsletter। Vol. 3, No. 17, October07, 2004
Bangladesh Awami League Publication

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ট্রাইবুন্যাল গঠনের ৪শ ৭৮ দিনের মাথায় যুদ্ধাপরাধের আনুষ্ঠানিক বিচার প্রক্রিয়া শুরু

Posted on 15 July 2011 by ইবার্তা

যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের অভিযোগে আটক সাতজনের মধ্যে সাঈদীকে দিয়েই গতকাল বৃহস্পতিবার বহু প্রত্যাশিত আনুষ্ঠানিক বিচার প্রক্রিয়া শুরু হয়েছে। আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ ট্রাইব্যুনালের চেয়ারম্যান বিচারপতি নিজামুল হক নাসিমের সমন্বয়ে তিন সদস্যের বেঞ্চ গতকাল বৃহস্পতিবার সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ আমলে নেওয়ার এ নির্দেশ দিয়েছেন। একই সঙ্গে তার বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ গঠনের জন্য আগামী ১০ আগস্ট শুনানির দিন ধার্য করেছেন। ওই দিন সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে স্বাধীনতাযুদ্ধে গণহত্যাসহ মানবতাবিরোধী সব অপরাধের অভিযোগের বিষয়ে শুনানি হবে।

ট্রাইবুন্যাল বলেছেন, সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে তদন্ত সংস্থার দাখিল করা অভিযোগ পর্যালোচনা করে মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধের প্রাথমিক সত্যতা পাওয়া গেছে। এ পর্যায়ে তার বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ গঠনে আইন ও বিধি অনুযায়ী আগামী ১০ আগস্ট উভয় পক্ষের (সাঈদী ও রাষ্ট্রপক্ষ) আইনজীবীদের শুনানি হবে।

ধর্মীয় অনুভূতিতে আঘাত দেওয়ার এক মামলায় সাঈদীকে গত বছর ২৯ জুন গ্রেফতার করা হয়। এরপর তাকে যুদ্ধাপরাধ মামলায় গ্রেফতার দেখানো হয়। পরে তদন্ত সংস্থার সদস্যরা সাঈদীর নিজ এলাকা পিরোজপুরে তদন্ত চালিয়ে যুদ্ধাপরাধে তার জড়িত থাকার প্রমাণ সংগ্রহ করেন। গত ১২ মে ধানমন্ডির  সেফ হোমে নিয়ে তাকে দিনভর জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করা হয়। ট্রাইব্যুনালে উপস্থিত অধ্যাপক মুনতাসীর মামুন ebarta24 কে বলেন, এ দিনটি (১৪ জুলাই) ইতিহাসে মাইলফলক হয়ে থাকবে। কেননা, স্বাধীনতার ৪০ বছর পর আমরা আনুষ্ঠানিকভাবে একজন যুদ্ধাপরাধীর বিরুদ্ধে বিচার প্রক্রিয়া শুরু করতে পেরেছি। যেভাবে বিচার প্রক্রিয়া এগোচ্ছে, তাতে হতাশ হলেও বিচার নিয়ে সংশয় কিছুটা দূর হচ্ছে। গোলাম আযমকে বাদ দিয়ে যুদ্ধাপরাধীর বিচার স্বয়ংসম্পূর্ণ হবে না উল্লেখ করে তিনি চিহ্নিত সব যুদ্ধাপরাধীকে গ্রেফতারের দাবি জানান।

এদিকে সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে ট্রাইব্যুনালের আদেশ রিভিউর (পুনর্বিবেচনা) জন্য আবেদন করা হবে বলে জানিয়েছেন তার আইনজীবী তাজুল ইসলাম। তিনি অভিযোগ করেছেন, আইন ও বিধিতে অপরাধের উপাদানের বিষয়ে কিছু উল্লেখ না থাকলেও সাঈদীর অভিযোগ আমলে নেওয়া হয়েছে। এটা আইনবহির্ভূত বলেও দাবি তার। বৃহস্পতিবার সকাল নয়টা ১০ মিনিটে জামায়াত নেতা দেলওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীকে ঢাকা কেন্দ্রীয় কারাগার থেকে আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ ট্রাইবু্যনালে আনা হয়। ১০টা ৩২ মিনিটে তাকে এজলাসে আনা হয়। এ সময় তিনি স্বাভাবিক অবস্থায় ছিলেন। মাঝে মধ্যে বিচারকৰের চারদিক দেখছিলেন। ১০টা ৪০ মিনিটের দিকে ট্রাইবু্যনালের কাজ শুরম্ন হয়। প্রথমেই ট্রাইবু্যনালের চেয়ারম্যান বিচারপতি মোঃ নিজামুল হক চীফ প্রসিকিউটর গোলাম আরিফ টিপুর কাছে জানতে চান, ফরমাল চার্জের ক্যাসেট দিয়েছেন। অন্যান্য ম্যাটেরিয়াল কবে দেবেন। উত্তরে চীফ প্রসিকিউটর জানান এখনই দিতে পারি। তখন ট্রাইবু্যনাল জানায়, এগুলো রেজিস্ট্রারের মাধ্যমে দিলেই হবে।

এর আগে দেলওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর আইনজীবী ব্যারিস্টার তানভির আহম্মেদ আল-আমিন দু’টি আবেদন করেন। একটি সাঈদীর বিরম্নদ্ধে তদনত্ম করে এ পর্যনত্ম কী পাওয়া গেছে তা দ্রম্নত প্রকাশ করা। দ্বিতীয়ত তার জামিন আবেদন। প্রথমটি উত্থাপিত করা হয়নি। জামিন আবেদন ট্রাইবু্যনাল খারিজ করে দিয়েছে। জামিন আবেদন খারিজের পর দেলওয়ার হোসাইন সাঈদীর আইনজীবিগণ অপরাধ আমলে নেয়ার আদেশের একটি কপি পাওয়ার আবেদন করেন। তাঁরা বলেন, আমরা পুনর্বিবেচনার (রিভিউ) আবেদন করতে চাই। তাই রায়ের কপি প্রয়োজন। তাঁরা বলেন, বিচারের আনুষ্ঠানিকতা শুরম্ন হয়ে গেছে। তাই আমরা রায়ের অনুলিপি পেতে পারি। আদালত আবেদনটি নাকচ করে দেয়।
আদেশের পর ট্রাইবু্যনালের রেজিস্ট্রার ও মুখপাত্র মোঃ শাহিনুর ইসলাম বলেছেন, কপি পেতে হলে আবেদন করতে হবে। আইনে এ ধরনের বিষয় নেই। আবেদন করেই দেখেন না কেন? মুখে মুখে কপি চাইলে হবে না। রিভিউ করার সুযোগ রাখা হয়েছে। আবেদন করলে অবশ্যই দেবে। আগের আদেশের প্রতিফলন হয়নি। সে জন্য রিভিউ করার সুযোগ রয়েছে। রিভিউ করবেন, আবেদন করবেন না; এটা হয় না।
ব্যারিস্টার তানভির আহম্মেদ আল-আমিন শুনানিতে বলেন, জামিন পেলে অভিযুক্ত পালিয়ে যাবেন না। তিনি (সাঈদী) তার পাসপোর্ট জমা দিতে প্রস্তুত আছেন। তিনি অপরাধ সংঘটনের এলাকায় যাবেন না। নতুন করে কোন অপরাধ সংঘটনের সম্ভাবনাও নেই। কারণ তার বিরম্নদ্ধে কোন ক্রিমিনাল রেকর্ড নেই। তিনি শর্তসাপেক্ষে তার শহীদবাগের বাসায় থাকবেন। আদালত নির্ধারিত সময়ে তিনি হাজিরা দেবেন। এ সময় শুনানিতে প্রসিকিউটর সৈয়দ হায়দার আলী বলেন, তদনত্মে পাওয়া গেছে ৫০টির বেশি খুনের সঙ্গে জড়িত তিনি। এছাড়া লুণ্ঠন, অগি্নসংযোগ, ধর্ষণ ও নির্যাতনের অভিযোগ পাওয়া গেছে। তার বিরম্নদ্ধে এসব অভিযোগ প্রাথমিকভাবে প্রমাণিত হয়েছে। আদালত এসব অভিযোগ প্রাথমিকভাবে আমলেও নিয়েছে। এসব অপরাধ জামিনযোগ্য নয়। রাজাকার বাহিনীর প্রধান হিসাবে তিনি এসব অপরাধ সংঘটন করেছেন। এই ট্রাইবু্যনালের নির্দেশ অনুযায়ী অভিযুক্ত বিশেষ খাবার এবং বিশেষ চিকিৎসা সুবিধা পাচ্ছেন।
সৈয়দ হায়দার আলী আরও বলেন, পূর্বে জামিন আবেদনের শুনানিতে অভিযুক্তের আইনজীবীরা বলতেন, তার বিরম্নদ্ধে কোন অভিযোগ নেই। তাকে জামিন দেয়া হোক। এখন যখন পাওয়া গেছে, এখন ছেড়ে দেয়া হোক_ এটা অযৌক্তিক। এত বড় বড় অপরাধে অভিযুক্ত ব্যক্তিকে ছেড়ে দেয়া হলে বিচার প্রক্রিয়া ক্ষতিগ্রসত্ম হবে। জামিন দেয়ার ক্ষেত্রে একাত্তরের নিপীড়িত মানুষের অনুভূতিকে বিবেচনায় নেয়ার আহ্বান জানান। সাঈদীর অপরাধ আমলে নেয়ার মাধ্যমে বিচারের আনুষ্ঠানিকতা শুরম্ন হয়েছে বলে জানিয়েছেন উভয়পক্ষের আইনজীবিগণ। শুনানির এক পর্যায়ে ট্রাইবু্যনাল এ কথায় স্বীকৃতি দিয়েছে।
জামিন আবেদনের পাশাপাশি সাঈদীর আইনজীবীরা সাঈদীর বিরম্নদ্ধে উদ্ঘাটিত সব প্রমাণ প্রকাশ ও অভিযোগ গঠনের শুনানি স্থগিত করতে অন্য একটি আবেদন করেন। এ আবেদনের শুনানি করতে চাইলে আদালত বলে, আপনারা পূর্ব থেকে কিভাবে বুঝলেন যে, অভিযোগ আমলে নেয়া হবে। আমরা মামলাটি আজ খারিজও করে দিতে পারতাম। আর প্রমাণাদির জন্য আবেদন করতে হবে কেন? বিধিমালায় তো বলাই আছে, অভিযোগ আমলে নেয়ার পর আমরা আপনাদের প্রয়োজনীয় সব কাগজপত্র ও প্রমাণাদি সরবরাহ করব। চিফ প্রসিকিউটর গোলাম আরিফ টিপু সাংবাদিকদের বলেন, সাঈদীর বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ আমলে নেওয়ার মধ্য দিয়ে যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারে আনুষ্ঠানিক প্রক্রিয়া শুরু হয়েছে। তথ্য-প্রমাণের আলোকে আদালত সন্তুষ্ট হলে শিগগিরই সাঈদীর বিচার শেষ হবে। এ জন্য তিনি সবার সহায়তা প্রত্যাশা করেছেন।

আমরা মুক্তিযোদ্ধার সন্তানের কেন্দ্র্রীয় কমিটির সভাপতি মোঃ হুমায়ুন কবির ebarta24 কে  বলেন, যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচারে আর বিলম্ব নয়। বিএনপি চেয়ারপারসন খালেদা জিয়ার নেতৃত্বে যুদ্ধাপরাধীরা বিচার নিয়ে প্রকাশ্যে মতামত তুলে ধরেছেন। এ ক্ষেত্রে তারা শেষ পর্যন্ত আদৌ বিচার শেষ হতে দেবেন কি-না তা নিয়ে আমরা শঙ্কিত। তিনি দ্রুত গোলাম আযমসহ চিহ্নিত যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের আটক করে বিচারের মুখোমুখি করার দাবি জানান।
চিহ্নিত যুদ্ধাপরাধী হিসেবে গোলাম আযমসহ অন্যদের গ্রেফতারের দাবি জানিয়েছেন সুশীল সমাজের প্রতিনিধিরা। একাত্তরের ঘাতক দালাল নির্মূল কমিটির সভাপতি শাহরিয়ার কবির ebarta24 কে সন্তোষ প্রকাশ করে বলেন, যত দ্রুত সম্ভব চিহ্নিত যুদ্ধাপরাধী গোলাম আযমসহ অন্যদের গ্রেফতার করে বিচারের মুখোমুখি করতে হবে। না হলে ভবিষ্যতে সরকারের পক্ষে যুদ্ধাপরাধের বিচারের চ্যলেঞ্জ মোকাবেলা করা কঠিন হয়ে পড়বে। তিনি ট্রাইব্যুনালে নানা সংকট দূর করার জন্য সরকারের প্রতি অনুরোধ করেন।

 

Saidi is presently banned from the US for his Al-Qaida connection

Delwar Hossain Saidi (Delu Dalal)

Saidi is presently banned from the US for his Al-Qaida connection

Delwar Hossain Sayeedee as his name is now officially spelled and is being represented with a red diplomatic passport from the ruling BNP government  as an Islamic scholar and preacher was originally a boorish mountebank and a pimp of the local brothel at Pirojpur, a small town in Barisal district. The locals still call him Delu (a name that negates all the spirituality that an Arabic name such as Sayeedee inspires) which is the short form of his name Delwar. During the liberation war Saidi was called delu razakar due to his collaboration with the Paki occupation army.

There is no record that Saidi  had ever attended any school whether Islamic or public. Like many fake Islamic ‘divines’ Saidi was accorded a title ‘Sayeedee’ overnight and promoted as such  by the then Pakistani civil affairs dept, an organization run by the Paki military intelligence (ISI).  Saidi’s personal idol must be Hitlar, for both of them assented to power by virtue of their oratory skills. Both of them whet their rhetoric in their first career as a street hawker. Hitler being a German sold fake paintings on the streets, Saidi a rustic quack sold  potions for venereal diseases and sexual impotence. As a street hawker saidi had a second job as a pimp for the local brothel. Traditionally most quacks work as pimps in Bangladeshi villages. It is a very lucrative business: they earn commission from the hookers, blackmail the clients and when the clients contract venereal diseases become their permanent patients.

Later Saidi realized that it is more rewarding to sell spiritual potions than cheap potions for gonorrhea and syphilis. He also realized, in course of his career as a quack, that the  spiritual sickness is a more prolific opportunity to pry in business than selling potions for sexual impotence. So Sa
idi assumed  his new role: a preacher of (Jamat-e-) Islam. But Saidi does not preach the austere  aspects of Islam. He fans the vulgar side of it to draw the perverts to his flock. He uses his obscene rhetoric (used to sell his potions as a quack to cure sexual impotence) to emphasis male chauvinism implicit in the patriarchal religion-Islam. In both cases his technique is same: to pamper male ego and feed male libido. This technique turned him into the most popular preacher of Islam among the Bangladeshi Muslims both home and abroad. Thousands of his audio cassettes are sold in Bangladesh and exported to overseas: middle East, Europe, USA  Australia. Bangladeshi males listen to his obscene preaching’s to feed their repressed libidinous urges and secure their authority over their less fortunate women folks. The worst thing is: Saidi’s doctrines constitute the moral fiber of a large number of unenlightened Bangladeshis both home and abroad.

Saidi is the extension of Nizami’s ideological warfare. Nizami sets traps for the unenlightened but literate Muslims, Saidi for illiterate and unrefined Muslims. But Saidi is also very effective for the technically skilled but philosophically unenlightened Bangladeshi Muslims. Every year Saidi earns thousands of dollars and pounds from overseas. Those Bangladeshi immigrants are all skilled migrants. They are skilled but unenlightened, otherwise how do they attend Saidi’s preaching’s when it is impossible for a decently sensible person to stand such vulgar eloquence?

Like his peer Nizami, Saidi was also involved in killing, looting, arson, extortion and confiscation during the liberation war. In both cases their victims were the Hindu Bengalis and people involved in or connected to the liberation war. In 1971 Saidi and his gang formed an espionage network in the Pirojpur area against the freedom fighters. He and his gang once captured a freedom fighter Mr. Abdul Aziz (an ex member of EPR, now BDR) on his secret visit home to see his first born in the dead of the night. Saidi handed Mr Aziz to the Pakistani army who tortured him to death. Saidi’s dossier abounds in this type of murder, torture, extortions and confiscations.  Under his appearance of an Islamic preacher, Saidi is nothing but an irremediable  imposter, a traitor and a vile monster. Listed below are some of Saidi’s crimes in 1971:

1. In 1971 Saidi was not associated with any political party, but conducted his activities in his individual capacity as a self proclaimed Islamic crusader. There are allegations that he actively helped the Pakistani forces in their campaign of killings, lootings, rape arson etc., by forming local paramilitary forces. During the war, he along with four associates, formed an organization called “Fund of the Five”. The principal aim of the organization was to loot and take over property of freedom fighters and Bengali Hindus. He used to sell those looted property and conduct a profitable business from the sales proceedings.

2. During the liberation war, Saidi ravaged the shop of a Hindu Bengali named Madan and took all his properties away. Saidi opened a shop at Parer Hat steamer station with the merchandise looted from the nearby grocery shops owned by the Hindus. –Mizan,  a former  freedom fighter from Parer Hat Union Command.

3. In 1971, Saidi forcibly took over the home of Bipin Saha, a local Hindu,  and continued to live there during the whole period; carried out anti social activities; drawn up lists of suspected freedom fighters and their relatives and passed it to the Pakistani army camped nearby; supplied young girls, abducted from nearby villages, to Pakistani camps; to help the occupation army Saidi burnt down the ferry port of Parer Hat; he forced the local youths to join Al-Badr forces, any refusals usually led to the killing of the objector. –Advocate Abdur Razzaq Khan, Pirojpur

3. Saidi was behind the murder of one Himangsu Babu and his relatives. He also killed Ganapati Halder, an extraordinarily   brilliant student of Pirojpur. Saidi was instrumental to the murder of many intellectuals and mid ranking government officers suspected of sympathizing with the cause of Bangladesh : a. Faijur Rahman, sub divisional police officer (SDPO) and father of writer and professor of Chemistry, Humayun Ahmed b. Abdur Razzaq, acting SDO  d. Mizanur Rahman, former leader of the Students’ League,  e. Abdul Gaffar Miyan, head teacher f. Samshul Huq Faraji, social worker g. Atul Karmaker.

4. At Saidi’s instruction his gang torn one Bhagirathi into pieces, accused of supplying information to freedom fighters by Saidi, by tying him to the back of a motorbike and dragging him for five miles. Advocate Ali Hyder, Central Leader of Ganatantri Party, Pirojpur.

5. According to Beni Madhab Saha, a resident of Pirojpur, Saidi and his men kidnapped and killed :Krishna Kanta Saha, Bani Kanta Sikdar, Tarani Kanta Sikdar. Saidi and his cohorts carried out repression on the daughters of Hari Sadhu and Bipin Saha, she said. Saidi, after looting the home of the Talukdars, a Hindu landowning family, kidnapped 25 women and sent them to the Pakistan army camp.

Verifiable list of people killed by so-called Maulana Saidi:

Faijur Rahman

Abdur Razzaq

Mizanur Rahman

Al Gaffar Miyan

Samshul H Faraji

Bani Kanta Sikdar

Krishna K Saha

Tarani K Sikdar

Bipin Saha

Hari Sadhu

Atul Karmaker

Bhagirathi

We demand Capital punishment to the criminal against humanity in 1971

We, people of Bangladesh, celebrate our great Victory Day on 16th December and Independent Day on 26th March. At the same time, we observe 14th December as the Intellectuals Martyr Day with deep mourning.

We are proud of our seven “Bir Shrestho” along with all Freedom Fighters. We mourn for the Martyr who sacrificed their lives and for those women who lost their chastity for the sake of Independent Bangladesh.

On the other hand, “Jamati Islami” were dead against of the birth of Bangladesh rather they fought against our Great Freedom Fighters, killed innocent Bangali, raped young girls and women, robbed and fired as the collaborators of Paki Army.

The think tank of “Jamati Islami” Abul Ala Moududi and Golam Azam were giving speech in home and abroad especially Middle East and other Muslim countries in favour of Paki Army (whatever they were doing) and their fellow Motiur Rahman Nizami, President of the Islami Chhatra Shongho (later it became Islami Chhatra Shibir in Bangladesh), Ali Ahsan Muzahid, Chief of Al-Badr (this ferocious para-military force killed the intellectuals), Kamaruzzaman (who was achieved the notoriety as butcher and robber in that time in Sherpur) and many more executed their mission “to protect Pakistan” (!?) by killing, raping, robbing and handing young girls and women over their “God Father” Paki army.

We are ashamed on watching our National Flag to be graced on that criminal’s cars and hearing the arrogant speech of those Jamaties. Such as, in 2007, Ali Ahsan Muzahid said “THERE IS NO FREEDOM FIGHTING OCCURRED IN BANGLADESH. …..THERE IS NO WAR CRIMINAL IN BANGLADESH.” LATELY, ITS ACTING “AMIR” MOKBUL HOSSAIN SAID “THERE IS NO ACTION ABOUT RECENT KILLERS THEN WHAT ABOUT KILLING BEFORE 40 YEAR?” 

The arrogant speech of the Jamati proves that they were involved in committing the crime in 1971. Now, if we celebrate our National Days, observe the Intellectual Martyrs Day, mourn for the Martyrs and if we are proud of the Bir Srestho, Freedom Fighters and the birth of Bangladesh; then what should we do about those Jamaties?

Truth and falsehood never go parallel. If we go for the truth, we must deny the falsehood. Simply if we love Bangladesh, we will have to hate the enemies of Bangladesh like those Jamaties. If we don’t want to disgrace our National Flag once again, we have to boycott those culprits politically and socially. But as a son of a Martyr, I do demand the capital punishment to the black sheep.

I congratulate the Present Govt. for taking initiatives against those criminals on trial under International Tribunal Act. Go ahead the Govt. of Sheikh Hasina, we all patriot of Bangladesh are with you. Most importantly, Allah is with us. Allah is always with those who are with the truth. In 1971, two supreme power US and China were with them. But Allah was with unarmed Bangali. So we won the war. Though we lost our beloved ones but we got our desired Bangladesh. We do believe, we are with the truth. So victory will be ours.

Ex-home secy Faruk twisted probe report: CID gets 10th extension for further investigation

Saka ekti shuorer nam

Ex-home secy Faruk twisted probe report Committee’s member secretary tells court; CID gets 10th extension for further investigation
Ctg Former home secretary Omar Faruk forced other committee members to sign the arms haul case probe report, said Shamsul Islam, former DIG of Special Branch, before a Chittagong court yesterday. Shamsul gave judicial statement under section 164 before the court of Chittagong Metropolitan Magistrate Osman Gani in the afternoon. In the four-page statement, Shamsul, also the member secretary of the probe committee formed by the then BNP-led government, accused the committee chief and former home secretary Omar Faruk of submitting a one-sided report. “Despite being a member of the committee, the probe report was made without informing me. I was summoned to the office of the home secretary and was forced to sign it,” a source at the court said quoting Shamsul’s statement. Shamsul in the statement said the matter of involvement of the NSI officials in the incident was discussed in every meeting of the committee, but finally their involvement was not mentioned in the report. Even the copy of the report was not given to anyone of the committee including him, the source said. “In the investigation, we later found the involvement of some NSI Officials including NSI field officer Akbar Hossain,” the source said quoting the statement. “Later, I learned that the committee chief alone made the report and none of us knew anything about it. Even we were not allowed to read the report and we could not know that all of the committee members were asked to sign it in the same way,” he added. Two other members of the committee former DIG (CID) Farukh Ahmed and former NSI director Brig Gen Enamur Rahman also made confessional statement implicating Babar and Omar Faruk last week. Enamur Rahman in his statement claimed that they suggested mentioning the involvement of the NSI officials with the import and offload of the arms in the report, but the committee chief didn’t do that. Farukh Ahmed in his statement implicated Babar alongwith Faruk for diverting the incident and said everything was done on orders of Babar. Meanwhile, a Chittagong Court yesterday for the tenth time granted CID another two more months for further investigation into the sensational Chittagong arms haul case. Acting Metropolitan Sessions Judge Inamul Haque Bhuiyan extende

d the time till November 24 following a time petition for 90 days. Investigation Officer (IO) of the case Md Moniruzzaman Chowdhury, also a senior ASP of CID, moved the petition on Wednesday–two days before the expiry of previously extended time. Regarding the time extension, Public Prosecutor (PP) Kamal Uddin said the court extended the time for 60 days from today since the investigation so far revealed the involvement of high ups of the then BNP-Jamaatgovernment, NSI, DGFI and other concerned departments. Moreover, if the reported involvement is found true and any of the stalwarts has to be arrested then the investigation would require further time, said the PP quoting the time petition made by IO Moniruzzaman. Besides, the investigators are yet to find out the identity of the vessel that carried the illegal consignment of arms into the water territory of Bangladesh in 2004. During the tenure of the past caretaker government, a Chittagong court on February 12, 2008 ordered further investigation into the case following an appeal made by the then PP Ahsanul Hoque Hena. Later in February 2009, a Chittagong Court ordered to change the IO following an appeal by the state lawyer and ASP Moniruzzaman of CID, Chittagong was then appointed as the fifth IO of

rapped by the pakistani army and razakars

the case. The investigation made a significant headway when prime accused Hafizur Rahman made his confessional statement on March 2 last year indicating involvement of officials of NSI and DGFI into the incident. The statement of Hafiz helped arrest of the then DGFI director Maj Gen (retd) Rezzakul Haider, NSI DG Brig Gen (retd) Abdur Rahim, NSI director Wing Commander (retd) Sahab Uddin, NSI deputy director Major (retd) Liakat Hossain and field officer Akbar Hossain, Chittagong Urea Fertiliser Ltd managing director Mohsin Talukder and its general manager Enamul Haque. In the last 31 months the investigators interrogated around 100 persons including the members of committee the then government formed to probe the incident. CID earlier submitted a report about the progress of the investigat

#যদি তুমি কাউকে আমাদের স্বধীনতা যুদ্ধের কথা বলতে চাও,তাহলে বলো ত্রিশ লক্ষ মানুষকে হত্যা করেছে পাকিস্তানী সেনা আর তাদের এ দেশীয় দোসরের(রাজাকার,আল-বদর.আল-শামস গং), দুই লক্ষ মায়েদের সম্ভ্রম নিয়েছে ওরা।গ্রামের পর গ্রাম,শহরের পর শহর পুড়িয়েছে তারা…সমতলে পড়ে থাকতো লাশ আর নদীতে কেবল লাশই ভাসতে দেখা যেতো আর বাতাসে কেবলই লাশের গন্ধ।
#এমন কোন পরিবার ছিল না যারা এ অবন’নীয় কষ্ট থেকে রেহাই পেয়েছে।
#অবশেষে পাকিস্তানী সেনা আর তাদের দোসরেরা পরাজিত হয়েছিল – – জন্ম হয়েছিল বহু আকাঙ্খিত বাংলা নামের দেশের।
#তুমি বোলতে ভুলো না আমাদের মহান স্বধীনতা যুদ্ধের অহংকার জাতির গব’ মুক্তি সেনাদের কথা,তুমি অবশ্যই বোলো বাঙালীর মু্ক্তি সংগ্রামের মহানায়কের কথা – তার নাম তুমি অন্য ভাবে বলবে।তুমি বোলো কিন্তু সেই সব মানুষদের কথা যারা বাঙালীর হাজার বছরের স্বাধীনতার আকাঙ্খাকে পূবা’পর বাস্তবে রুপদানের জন্য যে সব কাজ করেছে তাদের কথা।
# তুমি কিন্তু অবশ্যই বলবে তাদের কথা যারা আমার ত্রিশ লক্ষ প্রাণ,দুই লক্ষ মায়ের সম্ভ্রম হনন করেছে আর পরাজয়ের মূহুতে’ হত্যা করেছে জাতির বিবেক, অহংকার আর গবে’র বুদ্ধিজিবীদের – অবশ্যই তুমি তাদের বিচারের কথা বলবে,এটা বলতে ভুলো না।ion on September 15 this year.

সাকার বাড়ির গ্যারেজ ছিল নির্যাতন কেন্দ্র

মিন্টু চৌধুরী

চট্টগ্রাম, এপ্রিল ১২ (বিডিনিউজ টোয়েন্টিফোর ডটকম)- চট্টগ্রামের গণি বেকারি মোড়ে সালাউদ্দিন কাদের (সাকা) চৌধুরীর গুডস হিলের বাসভবনের গ্যারেজটি একাত্তরে ব্যবহৃত হতো নির্যাতন কেন্দ্র হিসেবে। আর গ্যারেজের দোতালায় ছিল পাকিস্তানি সেনাবাহিনী ও তাদের এ দেশীয় দোসরদের ক্যাম্প।
আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ ট্রাইব্যুনালের অনুসন্ধানে বেরিয়ে এসেছে এই তথ্য।
মঙ্গলবার বিকেলে গুডস হিলের বাড়িটি পরিদর্শন শেষে ট্রাইব্যুনালের তদন্ত কর্মকর্তা নুরুল ইসলাম সাংবাদিকদের বলেন, “সালাউদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরীর বিরুদ্ধে যুদ্ধাপরাধের অভিযোগ তদন্ত করার জন্যই এখানে এসেছি আমরা।”

তিনি জানান, ওই সময় মুক্তিযোদ্ধা ও সাধারণ মানুষকে এই বাড়িতে ধরে এনে নির্যাতন করা হতো। এর মধ্যে কাউকে হত্যা করা হতো, আবার কাউকে কাউকে দালালদের সুপারিশে ছেড়ে দেওয়া হতো। তদন্তে এর সাক্ষ্য-প্রমাণ মিলেছে।

“এ কারণেই আমরা গুডস হিলের এই গ্যারেজ পরিদর্শন করেছি। তদন্তে আরও যাদের নাম উঠে এসেছে, তাদের বিষয়েও খতিয়ে দেখছি।”

একাত্তরে মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধের অভিযোগে বিএনপি নেতা, সংসদ সদস্য সালাউদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরী বর্তমানে কারাগারে রয়েছেন। গত বছরের ১৬ ডিসেম্বর তাকে গ্রেপ্তার করা হয়।
সাকা চৌধুরীর বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগ তদন্তে ট্রাইব্যুনালের তদন্ত দল গত শুক্রবার চট্টগ্রামে এসে বিভিন্ন এলাকা ঘুরে প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী ও নির্যাতিতদের সাক্ষ্য গ্রহণ শুরু করেন। বিশেষ করে রাউজান এলাকায় সাকা চৌধুরী ও তার বাবা ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরী এবং তাদের অনুগতদের নির্যাতনের তথ্য সংগ্রহ করেন তারা।

মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময় নির্যাতনের শিকার সিএন্ডএফ ব্যবসায়ী ম. ছলিম উল্লাহ সোমবার আন্তর্জাতিক অপরাধ আদালতের তদন্ত দলের কাছে সাক্ষ্য দেন। মঙ্গলবার গুডস হিলের বাড়ি ও গ্যারেজটি তদন্ত দলকে দেখিয়ে নির্যাতনের বিবরণ দেন তিনি।

তদন্ত দলের সদস্য সহকারী পুলিশ সুপার (এএসপি) নুরুল ইসলাম এবং পরিদর্শক মো. ওবায়দুল্লাহ বিকাল ৪টা ৩৫ মিনিটে কড়া পাহারায় গুডস হিলে পৌঁছান। এ সময় গুডস হিল ও এর আশেপাশের এলাকায় পুলিশি নিরাপত্তা বাড়ানো হয়।
পরিদর্শনের সময় সাকা চৌধুরীর ছোট ভাই সাইফুদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরীর স্ত্রী বাড়িতে থাকলেও তিনি তদন্ত দলের সামনে আসেননি। তদন্ত দলের সদস্যরা এ সময় ছলিম উল্লাহর বক্তব্য শোনেন এবং ঘটনাস্থলের স্কেচ ম্যাপ নেন।
বিকাল সাড়ে পাঁচটার দিকে গুডস হিল ত্যাগ করেন তদন্ত দলের সদস্যরা।

ছলিম উল্লাহ বলেন
গুডস হিলে একাত্তরের সেই নির্যাতন কেন্দ্রটি বর্তমানে পড়ে আছে পরিত্যক্ত অবস্থায়। দোতলা ভবনটির সামনে পড়ে আছে অনেক পুরনো দুটি জিপ ও একটি প্রাইভেট কার।
১৯৭১ সালের ২ এপ্রিল রাত ৮টার দিকে চট্টগ্রাম শহরের রহমতগঞ্জ এলাকা থেকে ২৮ বছর বয়সী ছলিম উল্লাহকে ধরে এই বাড়িতে নিয়ে আসে স্থানীয় আল শামস্ বাহিনীর কমান্ডার খোকা, মাহবুবসহ কয়েকজন। তার ওপর চালানো হয় অমানুষিক নির্যাতন।

সিএন্ডএফ ব্যবসায়ী ম. ছলিম উল্লাহ তদন্ত দলকে জানান, মুক্তিযুদ্ধের দিনগুলোতে আলবদর-আল শামস্ বাহিনীর সদস্যরা নগরীর বিভিন্ন এলাকা থেকে মানুষকে ধরে এনে এই গ্যারেজে রেখে নির্যাতন করতো। সে সময় বহু মানুষের মৃত্যু হয়েছে তাদের হাতে।
বর্তমানে ছলিম উল্লাহর বয়স ৬৮ বছর। গুডস হিলের সেই ‘নির্যাতন কেন্দ্রের’ সামনে দাঁড়িয়ে মঙ্গলবার তিনি সাংবাদিকদের জানান, নগরীর অভয়মিত্র ঘাটে তার পৈত্রিক প্রিন্টিং প্রেসের দুই কর্মচারীকে একাত্তরের সেই রাতে ধরে নিয়ে যেতে চায় আল শামস্ বাহিনীর সদস্যরা। এর প্রতিবাদ করায় তাকেও তুলে নিয়ে যাওয়া হয়।

একটি জিপে করে তাদের নেওয়া হয় গুডস হিলে সাকা চৌধুরীর পৈত্রিক বাসভবনে। সেখানে একটি কক্ষে পায়ে দড়ি বেঁধে ছা

দ থেকে উল্টো করে ঝুলিয়ে বেদম পেটানো হয় তাকে।
ওই সময় খোকা, মাহবুব ছাড়াও সাকা চৌধুরীর ছোট ভাই সাইফুদ্দিন কাদের চৌধুরী ও সৈয়দ ওয়াহিদুল আলমকে (সাবেক হুইপ ও বর্তমানে বিএনপি নেতা) ওই কক্ষে দেখেছিলেন বলে ছলিম উল্লাহ জানান।

 পিটুনির এক পর্যায়ে সংজ্ঞা হারান ছলিম।

 তিনি জানান, ওই রাতে তার সঙ্গে ওই কক্ষে আরেকজনকে রাখা হয়েছিল। আশেপাশের কক্ষগুলো থেকেও আর্তনাদ শুনতে পাচ্ছিলেন তারা। পরদিন সকালে ছলিমের মামা অ্যাডভোকেট আবুল কাশেমের মধ্যস্থতায় নির্যাতন ক্যাম্প থেকে মুক্তি পান তিনি।

ছলিম সাংবাদিকদের কাছে দাবি করেন, তিনি কোনো রাজনৈতিক দলে সম্পৃক্ত ছিলেন না। তবে মুক্তিযুদ্ধের প্রতি তার পূর্ণ সমর্থন ছিল।

“আমি আর মৃত্যুকে ভয় পাই না। একাত্তরের সেইসব নির্যাতনের বিচার হওয়া উচিত।”
একাত্তরে সাকা চৌধুরীকে নির্যাতনের সময় দেখেছিলেন কি না- জানতে চাইলে ছলিম বলেন, “এটি তাদের পৈত্রিক বাড়ি। নির্যাতনের সময় তার ছোট ভাই সাইফুদ্দিনকে আমি দেখেছি। তবে সাকা চৌধুরীসহ ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরীর সব সন্তানই নির্যাতনে জড়িত ছিল বলে আমি বিভিন্ন জনের কাছে শুনেছি।

GENOCIDE BANGALEE COLLABORATORS & WARCRIMINALS

During the liberation war of 1971, Pakistani occupation army

RAJAKAR

led by General Yahiya Khan and his colleagues in collaboration with the anti liberation forces (Jamat, Muslim League, and other religious political parties) of Bangladesh killed a total of 3 million unarmed Bengalis, molested and raped about 450,000 Bengali women and, on the eve of the independence, murdered hundreds of leading intellectuals to spiritually cripple the nation. A crime far exceeds, in its atrocity and inhumanity, the crimes of Hitler, Melosovitch, the nazis and the fascists.never excuse them:

MOKTHEL HOSSAIN MUKTHI

Razakars:Central Shanti CommitteeName Where NowKhaza Khayer Uddin Pakistan Muslim League leaderA.Q.M. Shafiqul Islam Advocate, Lahore Highr Court, has business in BangladeshGulam Azam Amir, Jamat-i-Islami, BangladeshMewlana Syed Muhammed Masum Central Majlish-i-Surah member, Ittehadul UmmahAbdul Jabbar Kaddar Natural death after liberationMahmud Ali Minister, Pakistan Gov’tM.A.K. Rafiqul Islam unknownYusuf Ali Chowdhury(Mohon Miah) Natural death during liberation warAbul Kashem Natural death after liberationGulam Sarwar Jamat’s croney, Dawat-ul-Islam leader in LondonSyed Azizul Haque(Nanna Miah) Center Leader, Ershad’s Jatiya PartyA.S.M. Sulayman President, Bangladesh Krishak Sromik PartyPir Muhsen Uddin(Dudu Miah) Vice-President, Bangladesh Democratic LeagueShafiqur Rahman Chairman, Democratic Islamic LeagueMajor(ret.) Afsar Uddin Ex President candidate, President: Democratic PartySyed Muhsen Ali Industrialist, ex president of Dhaka Stock Exchange, ex director: IFIC BankFazlul Kader Chowdhury Natural death after liberationMuhammed Siraj Uddin Industrailist, Dhaka City Muslim League presidentAdvocate A.T. Saadi Retired advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtAdvocate Ataul haque Khan Vice President, Bangladesh Muslim LeagueMakbulur Rahman IndustrialistAlhaj Muhammed Akil President, Bangladesh Nejame Islami PartyPrincipal Ruhul Kuddus Central Member, Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiNurujjaman Industrialist, Director: Islamic Development BankMewlana Miah Fazlul Haque Central Surah Member, Bangladesh Ittehadul UmmahAdvocate Abu Sakek Senior Advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtAdvocate Abdun Naeem Natural death after liberationMewlana Siddik Ahmed Central Surah Member, Bangladesh Ittehadul UmmahAbdul Matin Secretary General, Bangladesh Muslim LeagueBaristar Akhtar Uddin Lives in Saudi Arabia, Legal consultant: Saudia InternationalTuaha Bin Habib Industrialist, Member: Central Majlish of Bangladesh Khelafat AndalonHakim Irtizaur Rahman Natural death after liberationRaja Tridib Ray Living in Karachi, PakistanFayez Bax President: Nikil Bangladesh Muslim League

(the rapper, killer)war criminals in bangladesh 1971,

P.S. 104 members of the Central Shanti Committee could not be found. All of the name above has been per published documents.

East Pakistan Shanti CommitteeName Where NowMewlana Farid Uddin, President Whereabouts unkonwn after liberationNurujjaman, General Secretary Ex director: Bangladesh Islamic Foundation Imam Prashikkan CourseMewlana Abdul Mannan Ex Minister: Religious AffairsJulmat Ali Khan Ex Vice President: BNPA.K.M. Mujibul Haque IndustrialistFiroz Ahmed No info availableCabinet of MalekName Where NowAbul Kashem Natural death after liberationNawajesh Ahmed Vice-President: Bangladesh Muslim LeagueA.S.M. Sulayman President, Bangladesh Krishak Sromik PartyObayed Ullah Majumdar Central Sura Member: Bangladesh Khelafat AndolanAbbas Ali Khan Ex Amir: Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiMewlana A.K.M. Yusuf Ex Secretary: Bangladesh Jamat-i-IslamiMewlana Ishhak Central Sura Member: Bangladesh Khelafat AndolanShamsul Haque No info availableJasim Uddin Ahmed Natural death after liberationAngshu Pro Chowdhury Ex ministerA.K. Musarraf Hussain Secretary General: Islamic Democratic LeagueMujibur Rahman Head of Bangladesh-Saudi Friendship CommitteeEast Pakistan delegates who met YahiyaName Where NowHamidul Haque Chowdhury Owner, Observer Group of PublicationsMahmud Ali Minister, Pakistan Gov’tDr. Sajjad Hussain Professor: King Abdul Aziz University, Saudi Arabia; now living in BangladeshJustice Nurul Islam Ershad Govt’s Vice President Kazi Din Muhammed Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityBangalee Members of Pakistani delegates in UNName Where NowShah Azizur Rahman Gen Zia’s ex-Vice President, deceased in 1988Julmat Ali Khan Ex Vice President: BNPRazia Fayez Ex Vice President: Bangladesh Muslim LeagueDr. Fatima Sadik RetiredAdvocate A.T. Saadi Retired advocate, Bangladesh Supreme CourtCentral Shanti Committee Liason Office and OfficersName Office1. A.I. Ahmed Sher, lives in Ahsan Manjil2. Saki Sultan, lives in Kosaitola Kutowali Thana1. Alhaj Nizir Hussain, lives in Jagganath Saha Road2. S.M. Habibul Haque, lives in Dhanmodhi3. Nuab Ali Advocate, lives in Central Road Lalbagh Thana1. Alhaj Siraj Uddin, ex-M.P., lives in Rishikesh Dash Lane2. Mahtab Uddin Khan, lives in R.K. Mission Road3. Fayzul Haque, lives in Forash Gonj4. Tomiz Uddin, lives in Jariatoli Lane5. Abdur Rashid, lives in Rothkhola Road Sutrapur Thana1. Iqbal Idris, lives in Indiara Road2. Mahbubur Rahman Gurha, ex-Tejgaoan Ward Commissioner3. M.S.M. Habibul Haque, lives in Dhanmondhi4. Muhammed Nuab Ali, Headmaster: IPH School, Mohakhali Tejgaon Thana1. Layek Ahmed Siddiki, lives in Mirpur Colorni 1 Mirpur Thana1. M.A. Baaker, Chairman: Badshah Faisal Istitute, lives in Muhammodpur colony2. Dr. Oshman, lives in Muhammedpur: A Block3. Syed Muhammed Farook, lives in Kayde Azam Road, Muhammedpur4. Shafikur Rahman, Advocate , lives in Jhigatola5. Abdur Rahim Chowdhury, lives in Dhanmondhi Muhammedpur Thana1. Ataul Haque Khan, Advocate, Vice President, Bangladesh Muslim League, lives in Mogbazar2. G.A. Khan, Advocate, Vice-President: Bangladesh Muslim League3. Professor A. Hashem4. Julmat Ali Khan, Ex Vice President: BNP, Lives in Purana Paltan5. Doctor Muhammed Aiyub Ali, lives in Khilgaon Chowdhury Para6. Advocate A. Wadud Miah, lives in Shantinagar Ramna ThanaShanti and Kollayan Council Information Office and OfficersName OfficeMuhammed Ali Sarkar, Ret. Engineer RampuraMawlovi Idris Ahmed Malibagh, Dhaka2Muhammed Ali Sarkar Stadium Dhaka12 Dhanmohdi, Road 5Mewlana Shah Ismail Ullah Chishti 12, Govinda Dash RoadMowlovi Tashwar Hussain Khan 2 Bashabari LaneMewlana Abdul Majid 66 Patla Khan Lane12 Nabadhip Boshak LaneHaji Muhammed Ishak Urdu RoadRajakar High CommandName Where NowA.S.M. Johurul Haque : Director, Rajakhars Businessman in DhakaMofiz Uddin Bhuiyan : Assistant Director, West Range

we want war criminals punishment

Businessman in KhulnaM.I. Mridha, Tagmaye Khidmat : Assistant Director, Rajakhars Headquarters No info availableM.A. Hasnat : Assistant Director, Central Range No info availableForid Uddin : Dhaka Town Adjutant Working in Saudi ArabiaP.S. Latrer, Muhammed Yunus(now, Director Islami Bank and Jamat Sura member) was assigned as commander-in-chief, and Mir Kashim Ali(now, Nayeb-e-Amir of Mohanogori Jamat) as head of Chittangong committee. Also, Islami Chattra Shanga’s (Now, Islami Chattra Shibir) district presidents were appointed as head of their respective district’s Rajakar committee.Al-Bodor High Command(Jamat-i-Islami’s Chattra Shongo(now known as Chattra Shibir)’s central committee)Name Where NowMotiur Rahman Nizami: Head of whole Pakistan Assist. Gen. Secretary, Jamat-i-IslamiAli Ahsan Muhammed Mujahid : Head of East Pakistan Amir: Dhaka Mohanogori Jamat and Director of Weekly Sunar BanglaMir Kahem Ali: Chittagong head to start with, later 3rd in rank Dhaka Mohanagari Jamt Nayebe Amir, Director of Rabaat-e-Alaam(Bangladesh) and member, Ibn Sina TrustMuhammed Yunus Jamt Majlish-e-Sura member, Director of Islami Bank, director of Islamic Somaj Kollyan Somiti, President of Muslim Businessmen’s SocietyMuhammed Kamrujjaman: Chief Organizor of Bodor Bahini Central Propaganda Secretary of Jamat-i-Islami and Editor of Weekly Sunar BanglaAshraf Hussain: Established Bodor Bahini and head of Mymensingh district Businessman in DhakaMuhammed Shamsul Haque: Head of Dhaka City Member: Majlish-e-Sura, Jamat-i-IslamiMustafa Sawkat Imran: One of the leader of Dhaka city Never found after the liberation warAshrafujjaman Khan: member of Dhaka City High command and ‘Chief Executor’ (PRODAN JALLAD) of systematic killing of the intellectuals Now, working in Saudi ArabiaA.S.M. Ruhul Kuddus: One of the leader of Dhaka city Member: Majlish-e-Sura, Jamat-i-IslamiSardar Abdus Salam: Head of Dhaka districtKurram Ja Murad International Jamat leader in London, coorinates liason between Jamat in different countriesAbdul Bari: Head of Jamalpur district Businessman in DhakaAbdul Hai Faruki: Head of Rajshahi district Businessman in DubaiAbdul Jaher Muhammed Naser: Head of Chittagong district Saudi Ambassador’s personal assistantMatiur Rahmann Khan: Head of Khulna district works in Jeddah, Saudi ArabiaChowdhury Mayeen uddin : ‘Operation in-charge’ (main killer) of systematic killing of the intellectuals Lives in London and Editor of Jamat’s Weekly Dawaat and leader of London-based Jamat-crony, Dawatul IslamNoor Muhammed Mollik: One of the leader of Dhaka

Saka ekti shuorer nam

city No info availableA.K. Muhammed Ali: One of the leader of Dhaka city No info availableMajharul Islam: Head of Rajshahi district No info availableTikka Khan’s Education Reform CommitteeName Where NowDr. Syed Sajjad Hussain, VC: Dhaka University Professor: King Abdul Aziz University, Saudi Arabia; now living in BangladeshDr. Hasan Jaman, Political Science Professor: Dhaka University Died while working at Saudi ArabiaDr. Muhor Ali, History Professor: Dhaka University Works in London, Runs Islamic InstituteA.K.M. Abdul Rahman<> >Math Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Abdul Bari, VC: Rajshahi University Chairman: Dhaka University ‘Monjuri’ Commission, Member of Governing Body: Islamic FoundationDr. Saifuddin Juardar deceasedDr. Mokbul Hussain RetiredCollaborators: Dhaka University Teachers and Employees were given mendatory leave after warName Where NowBegum Akhtar Imam, Provost: Rokya Hall Retired, living in DhakaDr. Kazi Din Muhammed, Bangla Dept Fired by Dhaka University Syndicate, now Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityDr. Muhammed Mustafizur Rahman, Arabic Dept Professor, Dhaka UniversityDr. Fatima Sadik, Arabic Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now RetiredDr. Gulam Wahed Chowdhury, Political Science Dept Owner of Garments factory in DhakaDr. Rashid Ujjaman, Political Science Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now working in USDr. A.K.M. Shahid Ullah, Political Science Dept Professor: Bangla Dept, Dhaka UniversityA.K.M. Jamal Uddin Mustafa, Political Science Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now businessman in DhakaDr.Muhammed Afsar Uddin, Sociology Dept Professor, Dhaka UniversityDr. Mir Fokorujjaman, Psychology Science Dept deceased in 1987

 

 

JANWAr

The Ugly animal, JANWAR GHU AZOM

Dr. Muhammed Shamsul Haque, Physics Dept Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Abdul Jabbar, Pharmacy Dept Professor: Dhaka UniversityDr. Mahbub Uddin Ahmed, Statistics Dept Businessman in LondonMuhammed Obaydullah(known as Askar Ibn Shaaik), Statistics Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now playright for Radio and TV in BangladeshMuhammed Habib Ullah, Education Research Dept Lives in PakistanAdbul kader Miah, Education Research Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownDr. Shafia Khatun, Education Research Dept Professor: Dhaka University, Ershad’s ex-ministerLt. Colonel(ret.) Matiur Rahman, Health institute Retired in DhakaAtikujjaman Khan, Journalism Dept was professor: Dhaka University, now deceasedDr. Aftab Ahmed Siddiki, Urdu/Farsi Dept Lives in PakistanFazlul Kader, Urdu/Farsi Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownNurul Momen, Law Department Retired in DhakaDr. S.M. Imam Uddin,Islamic History Dept Lives in PakistanS.D. Dolil Uddin, Care Taker: Dhaka University Works in Dhaka UniversityMuhammed Mahbubul Alam, Botany Dept Lives in PakistanFaizul Jalal uddin, Botany Dept Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownP.S. Many of these collaborator teachers were directly related to the systematic killing of the intellectuals. Their names were mentioned in the infamous diary of the Al-Badar Bahini “Chief Executionar” of intellectuals, Asrafujjaman.Name Where NowNasir Ahmed, Secretary: Education Research Institute wherabouts unknownJohir Khan, Painter of Chief Engineer’s Office Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownShah Hahan, Servant of Engineering Office wherabouts unknownMuhammed Mustafa, Servant of Solim Ullah Hall Kicked out of the University by Dhaka University Syndicate, now wherabouts unknownCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teachers were given mendatory leave after warName Where NowDr. Abdul Bari, V.C. Rajshahi University was Chairman of University ‘Monjuri’ CommissionDr. Gulam Saklayen, Bangla Dept. Reader Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAzizul Haque, Bangla Dept. Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityShiekh Ataur Rahman, Bangla Dept. Now, Professor of Bangla Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAbdur Rahim Juardar, University Register Now, retired in DhakaCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teachers were arrested after warName Where NowMokbul Hussain, Chairman of Commerce Dept. Now, professor of Commerce Dept: Rajshshi UniversityAhmed Muhammed Patel, Chairman of Geography Dept. Now, lives in PakistanSolayman Mondol, Chairman of Economics Dept. Now, professor of Economics Dept: Rajshshi UniversityWasim Bari Baghi, Professor of Psychology Dept. Now, lives in PakistanZillur Rahman, Reader of Law Dept. Now, professor of Law Dept: Rajshshi UniversityKolim A. Sasarami, Professor of Linguistics Dept. Now, professor of Linguistics Dept: Rajshshi UniversityCollaborators: Rajshahi University Teacherswere accused as collaborators and absconded after the warName Where NowAhmed Ullah Khanprofessor of English Dept Now, professor of English Dept: Rajshshi UniversityIbn AhmedOne of the Register Ex Register of Islamic University, KustiaCollaborators: Bureacrats, arrested just after the liberation warName RoleDr. A.M. Malek GovernorAbul Kashem MinisterNowajish Ahmed MinisterAbbas Ali Khan MinisterAkhtar Uddin Ahmed MinisterMuhammed Ishak MinisterJasim Uddin MinisterA.K.M. Yusuf MinisterSolayman MinisterMujaffar Hussain Chief SecretaryN.N. Kazim Home SecretaryS.A. Reza CommissionarM.A.K. Chowdhury IGPM.A.R. Arif Additional IGPDr. M.M. Hasan DIGMujaffar Ahmed DLG SecretaryMufti Masudur Rahman Education SecretaryHumayun Fayez Rasul Information SecretaryHasan Johir Planning Commission memberAslam Iqbal Joint Secretary: InformationCaptain Khaled Ahmed OSD: Home ministryCaptain Aktar Uddin Ahmed OSD: SNGO ministryLt. Commandar A.A. Nasim Joint Secretary: RWORTMuhammed Ashraf ADC: DhakaMohiullah Shah ADC: DhakaS.K. Mahmud SP: ChittagongA. Irfan Ali SP: KhulnaAlman Khalik SP: DhakaAbbas Khan AIGPRana Mushtak SP, Panjab CantonmentS.M. Nawab DIG: PoliceLt. Colonel Gulam Ahmed Chowdhury Deputy Chief EngineerJohurul Haque Deputy Director: RajakarsDoctor A. Baseth Dhaka Medical CollegeCollaborators: Bureacrats, fired(out of 53) after being accused of war crimes and collaborationName/Role WheraboutsM. Wazid Ali Khan, Railway Board chairman Deceased in 1974Muhammed Lutfur Rahman, Jute Board chairman Brought back again as a secretary, now retiredM.G. Dastogir, Deputy Governor of State Bank never came back after 72Anam Ahmed Chowdhury, Joint Secretary of Commerce Brought back again as a secretaryDr. Muhammed Muhtazuddin Miah, Principal Scientific Officer, Neuclear Power Commission Brought back again to work in Neuclear Agricultural InstituteAsrafujjaman Khan, Director: Radio retiredDr. Kamal Uddin Ahmed, Principal of Physics Dept. Dhaka University Brought back again to become professor of ChemistryDr. Abdul Haque, chairman of Jessore Education Board wherabouts unknownDr. Hafez Ahmed, Principal: Dhaka College wherabouts unknownSamsuddin Ahmed, Commissioner: Rajshshi Division wherabouts unknownMuhammed Habibir Rahman, Chief Election Commissioner wherabouts unknownMuhammed Abu Henna, Chief Hydrographer wherabouts unknown<>, Professor: Dhaka Medical College and Hospital wherabouts unknownCollaborators: Bureacrats, arrested after being accused of war crimes and collaboration(partial list)Name/Role WheraboutsRashidul Hasan, Deputy Commissioner: Khulna wherabouts unknownToslim Uddin Ahmed, OSD: Takurga/Dinajpur wherabouts unknownSyed Iqbal Ahmed, Deputy Director: Dhaka Radio wherabouts unknownA.R.M. Fazlur Rahman, Deputy Secretary: Civil Affairs wherabouts unknownGulam Robbani Khan, Deputy Director: Rajshshi Radio wherabouts unknownAbu Shahadat, Regional Director: Dhaka Radio wherabouts unknownSource: Akattorer Ghatak O Dalal-ra: Kay Khutay?Published by Muktizuddha Chetona Bikash Kendra, Dhaka, Bangladesh.Some information may have changed, but relevance of the information from a historic perspective is still important.Last Modified: 09/13/2007 14:18:34Bangladesh Liberation War 1971: GenocidePakistani War CriminalsNEWS FROM BANGLADESH, March 16, 1999Editorial and Commentary:Why should Bangladesh raise the issue of genocide?By – A.H. Jaffor UllahZ.A. Khan’s memoirs “The way it was” spilled quite a few names who were involved in gratuitous merciless killings of Bengalis in occupied Bangladesh. The swiftness with which the genocide was carried out by Pakistani Army had no parallel in the annals of mankind. Despite the publicity it generated during the short nine-month period, Bengali leader Sheikh Mujib was almost mum about it. Perhaps Sheikh Mujib thought rebuilding the war-ravaged infrastructure of his nation was more important at the time than finding out among Pakistanis who- did-what in 1971.Perhaps it was a mistake of monumental proportion that the leadership of the newly formed nation never asked for a trial of Pakistani generals and officers who were involved in extermination of three million Bengalis, never mind the rape of a quarter million Bengali women.In 1975, a military general who came to power in Bangladesh through violence never showed any interest whatsoever in this subject matter. To the contrary, this general was alleged to have worked behind the scene establishing a good relationship with his masters from the olden days. After the violent over throw of this general, another Bangladesh General ruled the country with tight iron grip from 1982 through 1991. During his reign too, Bangladesh Genocide was very much considered to be an anathema. As such, the government never did pursue to raise the consciousness about the wanton killings of 1971. Like his predecessor, this cagey general also looked other the way around when question of Bangladesh Genocide was raised by the intelligentsia of the nation.The democracy finally did return to Bangladesh in 1991 and we thought that this time around the question of Bangladesh Genocide would be raised by the Prime Minister. But that did not happen. The Prime Minister was more inclined to forge a close relationship with Pakistan than ask the genocide question to redress the issue of wanton killing by Pakistani army.After a long twenty-one year period Sheikh Mujib’s party came into power in Bangladesh through adult franchise and we enthusiastically looked forward to the leadership of Awami League for raising the genocide issue. Mrs. Hasina Wazed, the Prime Minister half-heartedly asked that question to Mr. Nawaz Sharif in 1997. There were some rumblings in Pakistani press, but that was all; no progress was made in the past two years. In February 1999 when Pakistani Prime Minister did visit Dhaka to attend a conference of eight Muslim nations the Prime Minister of Bangladesh did not pose that question to Mr. Sharif, perhaps not to embarrass the Prime Minister. However, there were enough static in Dhaka and elsewhere to demand an apology from Pakistan for Bangladesh Genocide. Some civic organizations in Dhaka were stridently protesting while the leaders of eight Muslim nations met in a close door session.I presume this genocide issue is not going to vanish in the thin air as most Pakistani politicians and military leaders would seem to think. The Internet had so far been proven to be an extremely effective media to educate and disseminate all the Bengalis on the issue of Bangladesh Genocide. Bengalis from both Bangladesh and West Bengal were affected by the gruesome events of 1971. Perhaps the genocide issue will bind the entire Bengali communities all over the world because disproportionately more Hindus suffered in the hands of Pakistani soldiers.Pakistani government should know that Bangladesh Genocide is a touchy issue with all the Bengalis and it is going to stay that way in the foreseeable future till Pakistan offers an apology on behalf of his rogue military.Mrs. Hasina Wazed should come to her senses knowing that Pakistan is not a major trading partner of Bangladesh. Perhaps Bangladesh should put pressure to Pakistan telling them point blank to apologize for gruesome killings of Bengalis in 1971, or else face the consequence. The consequence being cut off diplomatic relations between the two countries. Bangladesh will survive rather well without being cahoots with a pariah nation, which still refuses to come to terms with her past misdeeds.Appendix OneA partial list of Pakistani military officers who committed Genocide in Bangladesh in 1971Here is a list of Pakistani military personnel involved in mass killings in occupied Bangladesh from March 25 through December 16, 1971. This partial list was prepared solely from reading the accounts of Brigadier Z.A. Khan who himself was an accomplice in Pakistan’s genocidal military. Brigadier Khan’s account was published in News From Bangladesh in early March in seven part series. This ex-military officer of Pakistan wrote in vivid details the untold tales of destruction and subjugation of Bengali nation. The surviving ex- military officers from the list should be brought to justice because they have committed crime against humanity. A few of the generals and most young officers of the day are still alive in Pakistan. They should know that while they had all but forgotten their misdeeds the Bengalis remember them very well. Like holocaust survivor who hunted the Nazis till this day, the Bengalis will also do the same to bring these criminals to justice. South Asia will be a better place for our descendents once these criminals are brought to justice – alive or posthumously.Here is the partial list:The Generals1. General Yahya Khan, military president of Pakistan in 1971. He refused to transfer power to Awami League after the general election of December 10, 1970, when Awami League had won the general election.2. General Abdul Hamid Khan, Chief of Army Staff (CAS), was one of the architects of Bangladesh Genocide. This general, popularly known as General Hamid (or Hameed) was in Dacca before March 26, 1971, working on a military plan to terrorize Bengalis. He also visited occupied Bangladesh several times to see firsthand the progress of the killing machine.3. Lt. General Gul Hassan Khan, Chief of General Staff (CGS), Pakistani Army. Contrary to what he might have said, he was one of the principal architects of Bangladesh Genocide. His very presence in troubled land of Chittagong during the early days of Bengali resistance proves beyond any shadow of doubt that he was an active planner of Bangladesh Genocide.4. Lt. General Tikka Khan, military chief in East Pakistan during March through December 1971. Planner and Chief Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide. He later became Governor of East Pakistan.5. Lt. General A.A. Niazi, Planner and Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide. He joined the occupation force later. His soldiers burned the villages and killed thousands of Bengalis throughout rural Bangladesh6. Lt. General Sahibzada Yaqub Khan.7. Major General Rao Farman, Military Intelligence Chief in East Pakistan during March through December, 1971. Planner and Executioner of Bangladesh Genocide.8. Major General A. O. Mitha. This general was everywhere in occupied Bangladesh causing destruction and death. This person had practically managed the killing machine of Pakistani army in erstwhile East Pakistan. He joined the army high command in Dacca in early March 1971. He was brought from West Pakistan solely for the death and destruction of Bengalis in East Pakistan.9. Major General Khadim Hussain Raja. He suspected Brigadier Mazumdar, a Bengali officer, of siding with Bengalis. He came all the way from west Pakistan to arrest Brigadier Mazumdar. He later became chief of Chittagong operation for Pak Army.10. Major General Akbar, Director General, ISI. He helped Pak Army carry out the Genocide by providing intelligence data. Major General M. Rahim Khan took control 14 Division and replaced Major General Khadim Hussain Raja. His forces were responsible for all the killings done in Mymensing-Dacca-Jessore area. This general was a first rate executioner of Bangla Genocide. He was responsible for atrocities committed along the Dacca-Bhairav Bazaar Railway line.11. Major General Rahim Khan, Commander of 14 Division, was stationed in Dacca. His officers and soldiers were very much involved in Army-led Bangladesh Genocide. In June 1971, he was transferred from being the Divisional Chief of 14 Division to Martial law Headquarters in Dacca.The Officers1. Brigadier Ghulam Jilani Khan, Chief of Staff (COS) of Eastern Command. He was an active person and was a part of planner of Bangladesh Genocide. He was a key person who knew every bit detail of the plan to exterminate Bengalis in the occupied land. During liberation period (in June 1971) he was promoted to the rank of Major General and was given the position of Director General, ISI in West Pakistan.2. Brigadier Jehanzeb Arbab (later become Lt. General in Pakistan) aided the abduction of Sheikh Mujib.3. Brigadier Iqbal Shafi, 53rd Brigade assaulted Bengalis in the Feni area. Later he moved to Chittagong area to help crush Bengali resistance.4. Brigadier Asghar Hussain, 205 Brigade, was active in Chittagong area.5. Brigadier Hesky Baig was very active in the Chittagong Port Area.6. Brigadier Sherullah Beg was the Commander of Special Service Group and was stationed in Dacca.7. Brigadier Ghulam Muhammad took over the command of Special Service Group from Brigadier Sherullah Beg sometime in May 1971.8. Brigadier N.A. Hussain was the Chief of 27 Brigade in Mymensingh. All killings in that part of occupied land including Madhupur Garh was done by his soldiers.9. Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan (later become Brigadier in Pakistan) was very active in Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts Area. He was the Commander of 3 Commando Battalion in Rangamati under Division 14.10. Lt. Colonel Yakub Malik, Commanding Officer 53 Field Regiment Artillery, was very active in Comilla area.11. Lt. Colonel A.H. Fatmi, Commanding Officer of 20 Baluch12. Lt. Colonel Rathore of Signal Corps was active in Chittagong city area.13. Lt. Colonel Shakur Jan was very active in Bhairav Bazaar area. He took active part in landing Pak army to Ashuganj side of Bhairav Bazaar railway bridge.14. Lt. Colonel S.M. Naeem, Commanding Officer 39 Baluch Command, was very active in Brahamanbaria in late May 1971.15. Lt. Colonel Jaffar Hussain visited occupied Bangladesh from Rawalpindi in June 1971. He was with Major General Mitha while visiting Dacca. He toured all over occupied land with the Major General.16. Lt. Colonel Abdur Rehman (later was promoted to Brigadier in Pakistan) was the GSO 1 (Training) at eastern Command in Dhaka.17. Lt. Colonel Iqbal Nazir Waraich came in June/July 1971 to take charge of 3 Commando Battalion in Rangamati.18. Lt. Colonel Hanif Malik became the Commander of 2 Battalion in June/July 1971.19. Colonel S. D. Ahmad. This person worked at the Martial Law Headquarters, Dacca at the time of crisis in March, 26, 1971. He was one of the executioners of Bangladesh genocide. He was involved in planning the abduction of Sheikh Mujib by the Pak military.20. Colonel Akbar (later become Brigadier in Pakistan) was the GS of Eastern Command in Dacca.21. Colonel Shigri, Officiating Commandant of the East Bengal Center in Chittagong22. Major Shujauddin Butt was a part of Baluch Regiment but worked in Martial law Headquarters. At this headquarters dissident Bengalis picked up from all parts of Dacca were brought in. Most Bengalis never did come alive once brought to this place for questioning.23. Major Bilal, Jangju Company, Pak Army, aided in planning Sheikh Mujib’s abduction. Also, he took part in disarming 4 east Bengal Regiment.24. Major Sultan (later become Lt. Colonel). He was the brigade major in Comilla.25. Major Salman Ahmad, Ebrahim Company Commander. He was very familiar with the Headquarters of East Pakistan Rifles. He helped Pak Army to raid E.P. Rifles Headquarters.26. Major Mohammad Iqbal (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), Ghazi Company Commander, was active in the Chittagong area.27. Major Anees, 20 Baluch and 24 FF, was in Chittagong city.28. Major Hedayet Ullah Jan, commander of 2 Commando battalion, was very active in Rangamati. He was aiding Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Hill Tracts area to go after East Pakistan Riflemen who sided with Mukti Bahini.29. Major Salman, 3 Commando Battalion, worked in the Chittagong area as an intelligence gathering agent for Pak Army.30. Major Tariq Mahmood who later became Brigadier in Pakistan was Officer in Command, Parachute Training School, Dacca. He helped with aerial mobilization of Pak Army all across the occupied Bangladesh.31. Major Beg, Ordnance Corps, was stationed in Chittagong.32. Major Nadir was originally with Ordnance Corps but later transferred to the command of Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Chittagong Hill Tracts. He was kept in Dacca by his supervisor, Lt. Col. Khan.33. Captain Humayun. He also aided in planning Sheikh Mujib’s abduction.34. Captain Saeed, aided in the abduction of Sheikh Mujib.35. Captain Sajjad Akbar of Hamza Company, stationed in Commilla.36. Captain Kayani, 20 Baluch line, worked in Saeedpur-Bogra area.37. Captain Zaidi (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), 2 Company Commando, also raided E.P. Rifles Headquarters.38. Captain Parvez (later become Lt. Colonel in Pakistan), 2 Commando Battalion, was active in Chittagong area.39. Captain Zahid (later become Brigadier in Pakistan), the GSO 3 of 53 Brigade in Rangamati.40. Captain Munir worked with Lt. Colonel Z.A. Khan in Rangamati.41. Lieutenant Haider of Hamza Company, Commilla.42. Lt. Commander Akhtar (later became Captain) who secured Patenga Airport from E.P. RiflesNon-Commissioned Officers:1. Havaldar Major Khan Wazir. He was a member of a team to abduct Sheikh Mujib. He also physically assaulted Sheikh Mujib.2. Subedar Ramzan was active in Kaptai Area.3. Subedar Ramzan aided Captain Munir in Rangamati.4. Subedar Major Zardad Khan was a part of 2 Commando Battalion stationed in Dacca.Air Force Officers1. Squadron Leader Abdul Munim Khan. This officer ran C-130 transport plane all across East Pakistan transporting Pakistani soldiers and food items.2. Squadron Leader Shuaib Alam was Security in charge of Air Observer Unit, Tejgaon Airport.Navy Officers1. Commodore R.A. Mumtaz, stationed at Chittagong was the chief of navy in East Pakistan. Pakistan Navy aided the Army in the field of intelligence gathering, interrogating suspected Bengali freedom fighter.2. Commander Tariq Kamal Khan (later he became Admiral and Chief of Naval Staff, Pakistan Navy) was stationed at Chittagong. He was the commander of PNS Jehangir, the destroyer. He helped the military with communication gears and firing at E.P. Rifle headquarters to crush Bengali resistance in Chittagong area.3. Lt. Commander Shamoon Alam Khan was also working for ISI. He also helped Pak Army to recapture Rangamati.The above list was prepared from the memoirs “The way it was” written by Brigadier Z.A. Khan of Pakistani Army. As a commander of a Commando Force, Brigadier Z.A. Khan was very active in the systematic extermination of Bengalis all over occupied Bangladesh in 1971.Source: This article reprinted from NEWS FROM BANGLADESH of March 16, 1999 for wider dissemination. Thank you. W.Zaman.Source: Internet Posting in newsgroup soc.culture.bangladesh by W.Zaman

why Bangladesh?

WHY BANGLADESH? The Bengalis’ demand for independence had been forced upon the people of East Pakistan by the savage and atrocious action of the West Pakistani army government. What the Bengalis had really been wanting were regional autonomy and social and economic justice. Recent events have conclusively proved that there was no plan for secession and there was no armed preparation on the part of the Bengalis to achieve that. They were confidently expecting a good result from President Yahya Khan’s democratic gesture. But the West Pakistani army, through its systematic butchery of unarmed civilians, forced the Bengalis to take the ultimate decision-to become a completely independent sovereign state. A clear cut line has been drawn decisively, separating the Bengali speaking people of the East and the people of West Pakistan. The decision was inevitable because of the continuous exploitation of the East by the West. To the world it naturally did not come as a surprise. On the other hand many voices had been predicting it for a long time. Besides religion, there was nothing common between these two people. Ethnically, culturally, in their thought, language, way of life-in everyway they were two nations. There was no attempt towards reconciliation but only economic exploitation and social injustice. East Pakistan existed only for the benefit of the West Pakistani capitalist merchants, industrialists and contractors, for the militarists and civil bureaucrats. For the last 24 years the Pakistan Government, manned mostly by West Pakistanis, dominated the state policy aiming to develop the barren deserts of West Pakistan by a deliberate policy which impoverished East Pakistan. Cleverly enough, Pakistan Government tried its best not to reveal the figures separately to show the gross disparity. Nevertheless, from available figures, mostly official, the truth could not be kept concealed. AVERAGE ANNUAL BUDGET Total Revenue Rs. 6,000 million W.P. E.P. Expenditure on Defence Total 60% 50% 10 % Civil Expenditure Total 40 % 25% 15% While E.P. provides 60% of the total revenue, it receives only about 25% for its expenditure and West Pakistan providing 40% in the central exchequer receives 75% of the remaining. FOREIGN TRADE & EXCHANGE EARNINGS During 10 year period 1958-68 West Pakistan East PakistanExport Import Export Import£820 m £2,315 m £1,153 m £1,000 m 41% 70 % 59% 30% In foreign trade East Pakistan exports constitute 59 % of the total but imports only 30% of the imports which consists of consumer goods and food, very little is left for development projects. During the same period West Pakistan earned 41 % of the total foreign exchange and was allowed 70% of the foreign exchange earnings. Major portion of this was spent on various development projects in West Pakistan. INTER ZONAL TRADE 1964-1969 Exports from West to East Pakistan Rs. 5,292 million Exports from East to West Pakistan Rs. 3,174 million This is an example of continuous drain of East Pakistani capital to West Pakistan. It has been estimated that total transfer of resources from East Pakistan to West Pakistan since 1947 had been £3,000 million. Let us look at typical Export items for the year 1964-65: Rs. Jute and jute products (all from East Pakistan): 124,580 m Cotton & cotton manufactures (many from W.P.): 51,880 m Hides & Skins (mainly from East Pakistan): 6,130 m Tea (all from East Pakistan): 1,000 m Wool (all from West Pakistan): 7,300 m Others (East & West together): 56,200 m PERCENTAGE OF ALLOCATION OF FUNDS FOR DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS Item West Pakistan East Pakistan Foreign Exchange for various developments: 80 % 20% Foreign Aid (excluding U.S. AID): 96% 4% U.S. Aid: 66% 34% Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation: 58% 42% Pakistan Industrial Credit & Investment Corporation: 80% 20% Industrial Development Bank: 76% 24% House Building: 88% 12% ———- ——— 77 % 23% Above figures are clearly indicative for the tremendous industrial growth in West Pakistan which received 77% of the total development expenditure for its 40% of the total population. FOREIGN AID TO PAKISTAN Chinese loan to Pakistan U.S. $ 60 m in 1965 mostly spent in West Pakistan including a Heavy Machinery Complex costing U.S. $ 9 m, but only U.S. $ 125,000 for East Pakistan Water & Power Development. But the loan is to be repaid by exporting jute and jute products. World Bank credits in 1954 $ 14 m and in 1965 $ 15 m for Sui Gas Project in West Pakistan. Same source supplied $ 17 m in 1964 for Karachi Port Deve­lopment and $ 30 m to Pakistan Investment and Credit Corporation to finance mostly projects in West Pakistan. International Development Association (U.N. Agency) gave a credit of $ 8.5 m to West Pakistan and $ 4.5 m to East Pakistan in 1964 for educational projects. Russian Aid of £ 11 m to £ 18 m was given to West Pakistan in 1965 for oil prospecting. U.K. Loan during the period 1947-1965 amounted to £ 64 m has been spent mostly in West Pakistan. U.S. Aid of $ 3.6 billion-$ 2.7 billion spent for Mangla Dam & Tarbela Dam in West Pakistan and only $ 0.9 billion for control of flood in East Pakistan. These loans no doubt converted the barren lands of West Pakistan into fertile ones whereas very little was done to tackle effectively the flood problem of East Pakistan-the most fertile land in the world. The people of East Pakistan had been allowed to suffer from recurring cyclones and flood disasters since 1953. COMPARATIVE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT West Pakistan East Pakistan Established INDUSTRIAL in both wings 1947-48 1966-67 1947-48 1966-67 Cot-.on Textile production in million yds 350 6,836 508 550 1,853% increase 8.26% increase Sugar production in ‘ 000 tons 10 304 25 112 2,940 % increase 348 % increase Cement production in ‘000 tons 305 1,934 46 75 534% increase 63 % increase Above tables clearly show how the established industries in East Pakistan had been allowed to grow extremely slowly in comparison with the extremely fast growing industries in the West. With the influx of capitalists from Bombay the picture began to change rapidly. In the field of new industries, the percentage of investments in West and East Pakistan is roughly 75% and 25% respectively. Moreover, East Pakistani industries are mainly owned and controlled by the West Pakistanis whose main interest is to transfer the profits to West Pakistan instead of helping East Pakistan’s prosperity. It has been calculated that since 1947 the real transfer of resources from East to West has been to the tune of £ 3,000 million. There was no state control over private investment and as such the flow had been completely unchecked. Steel-the basic item required for any development-is now being produced in two mills in West & East Pakistan. Funds provided for these mills were £ 56 million for West Pakistan and £ 11 million for East Pakistan. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT West Pakistan East Pakistan Fertiliser distribution during 1964-68, in ‘ 000 nutrient tons 739 66 % 371 33% Improved seed distribution during 1964-69, in ‘ 000 tons 342 89 % 40 11 % 1951-52 1966-67 1951-52 1966-67 Increase in fish production in ‘ 000 mts 56 153 175 259 273 % increase 48 % increase Distribution of tractors Wheel type (numbers) 20,069 1,825 Other large (numbers) 2,000 350 91% 9% Needless to mention that the agricultural land in East Pakistan has more acreage and most lands produce 2 to 3 crops a year, whereas in the West the acreage is less and the productivity per acre is much smaller. One fails to understand the logic in these state of affairs. In agriculture finance, the Pakistan Agricultural Development Bank has lent over Rs. 600 million, but most of these went to West Pakistani farmers. Most of the large irrigation projects have been treated as federal projects and financed by the Central Government and has been completed in West Pakistan. This was a deliberate attempt to keep the 75 million Bengalis at starvation level. In the federal army of 500,000 only 20,000 are Bengalis. Those 480,000 West Pakistanis spend their income in the West which indirectly help the economy of that part of the country. Economic experts have evidence that in 1959 an average East Pakistani was 20% worse off than another in the West. In 1968, he was 40% worse off than his brother in Islam in West Pakistan. POWER DEVELOPMENT Another criterion to measure progress is the consumption of electric power per head of the population. In Pakistan growth in power production has grown considerably. West Pakistan generates by hydel, thermal and other means a total of 838,000 KW (83% of the total) whereas East Pakistan generates 179,500 KW (17% of the total). A great share of foreign aid had been spent on various power development projects. Two giant irrigation and power development projects in Indus Basin cost $ 1800 million and WAPDA spent Rs. 1453 m in 5 years 1959-64. EDUCATION: Progress in 20 years Area West Pakistan East Pakistan 1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69 Primary Schools 8,413 39,418 29,663 28,308 Number increase Number decreases in spite 4 times of increased children 1947-48 1965-66 1947-48 1965-66 Secondary Schools 2,598 4,472 3,481 3,964 176% 114% increase increase 1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69 Colleges-various Types 40 271 50 162 675% 320% increase increase Medical/Engineering/ Agricultural colleges 4 17 3 9 425% 300% increase increase Universities 2 1 (654 scholars) (1620 scholars) 6 4 (18.708 scholars) (8,831 scholars) Increase in scholars 30 times 5 times It is interesting to note that although the school going population increased in East Pakistan the number of schools decreased through deliberate policy of neglect, whereas during the same period the Pakistan government spent vast sums of money and increased the number of schools in West Pakistan by 4} times. Was not that a systematic plan for giving the West Pakistani children a better academic start so that their future career was firmly assured? The natural result was the vast increase in the number of colleges of all kinds and universities. This is a clear evidence of Government policy aiming at keeping the East Pakistani children intellectually inferior by not providing the facilities they deserve. The end product that we see is in the number of University scholars. In East Pakistan, which had double the number of scholars in 1947, the number only increased by five times in 20 years and in West Pakistan the corresponding increase is thirty times. In the field of research and development centres established for agricultural, medical, scientific, industrial research. out of 16 centres 13 are located in West Pakistan. As far as the scholarships and training grants for studies abroad under Colombo Plan, Ford Foundation. Cotnmonwealth Aid and many others the bulk of these go to the West Pakistanis. Some of these are not even advertised in the East Pakistani press and many of these are awarded directly from West Pakistan. If we consider the question of employment, we can see the repetition of the same injustice. While the state policy on education had kept the East Pakistanis less developed, in the case of recruitment in civil, military and other services the same policy of depriving the Bengalis had been effectively carried out. Having most of the recruitment centres, they have the most advantage. Headquarters of the army, navy, air force and all central government services as well as private employees of all kind are located in West Pakistan. Most of the vacancies are either not advertised in the East Pakistani press or the practical difficulty of being interviewed is present. Moreover, the various recruitment boards consisting mostly of West Pakistanis are not so well disposed to accept an East Pakistani. In the armed forces, by making a physical standard far too high for an average Bengali, the system of eliminating the Bengali candidates had been very easy and successful. The following figures show some examples of disparity in this field: West Pakistan East Pakistan Central Civil Service 84% 16% Foreign Service 85% 15% Foreign Head of Missions (numbers) 60 9 Army 95% 5% Army: Officers of General Rank (Numbers) 16 1 Navy Technical 81% 19% Navy-non technical 91% 9% Air Force Pilots 89% 11% Armed Forces (Numbers) 500,000 20,000 Pakistan Airlines ,, 7,000 280 P.I.A. Directors ,, 9 1 P.I.A. Area Managers ,, 5 none Railway Board Directors „ 7 1 ORGANISATIONAL IMBALANCE The selection of the capital of Pakistan in Karachi in 1947 gave the West a boost to growth in all spheres. Rs. 200 million was spent on its development and when it was fully developed it was handed over to the West Pakistan provincial government. All incomes derived as a result went to the provincial government. Thereafter another Rs. 200 million was allocated for the capital development at Islamabad. A sum of only Rs. 20 million was provided for a second capital at Dacca, in East Pakistan. All the offices of the central government are located in the West including the headquarters of the army, navy and airforce and all the military academies. It is important to note that 60% of Pakistan’s budget is spent on defence and 80% of that goes to the military contractors, armed personnel who are West Pakistanis. Head offices of all the public and private establishments, e.g., State Bank of Pakistan, Pakistan International Airlines, National Bank of Pakistan and other banks, Insurance companies, Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation, National Shipping Corporation, Foreign Missions and hundred other Pakistani and foreign agencies have their head offices in West Pakistan and with their West Pakistani bosses and West Pakistani connections made sure that the policies of those organi­sations favour West Pakistanis. SOCIAL WELFARE In the field of social welfare, the same pattern is reflected. Let us look at some of the statistics comparing the two wings. West Pakistan East Pakistan Population 55 million 75 million Total number of doctors 12,400 7,600 Total number of Hospital beds 26,000 6,000 Rural Health Centres 325 88 Urban Community Development Centres 81 52 East Pakistan has been described as one of the poorest country in the world. Even the economists, impartial and foreign, admitted that. How does the average East Pakistani compare with his compatriat in West Pakistan? West Pakistan East Pakistan Rural Urban Rural Urban Employment of civil labour force 59 % 41 % 86% 14% In West Pakistan the industrial development provided 41 % of the total labour force, employment and a better standard of life. In East Pakistan, the poor development in industrial sphere made only 14% of the total employment available in the cities. The result is reflected in the figures for per capita income and gross domestic product. West Pakistan East Pakistan 1960 1970 1960 1970 Per Capita income in Pakistan Rupees 355 492 269 308 The difference in per capita income between East and West Pakistan had been 86 in 1960. Ten years later the difference sored to 184. In other words while the standard of living had been increasing in the West it had been declining in East Pakistan. West Pakistan East Pakistan 1959-60 1964-65 1959-60 1964-65 Gross domestic product per capital 312 391 242 297 Staple food of East Pakistani is rice and of West Pakistani is wheat. Let us compare the market price of the two. West Pakistan East Pakistan Rice per mound (82 lbs) Rs. 18 Rs. 50 Wheat per mound (82 Ibs) Rs. 10 Rs. 35 How could one expect a better health standard when the East Pakistani has to pay a far higher price for his food when his income is far below that of his compatriot in the West? The picture becomes clearer when we compare the average calories intake in rural areas. West Pakistan East Pakistan Calorie intake in rural areas in 1960-65 per head per day 1,625 1,556 In the urban areas the disparity is even greater. (Calorie intake in U.K. is 3,250). These facts and figures, backed by current available statistics, prove that East Pakistan is economically viable. The necessary resources vital for the development of a country are present, though undeveloped. Given substantial foreign aid, and opportunities to develop its natural resources, there is no reason why Bangla Desh should not be self-sufficient in course of time. World powers must realise that since Bangla Desh is fully capable of attaining economic stability, the right of self­determination, vital to her very existence, can no longer be denied.Above all, the injustice meted out to her, the social and economic neglect that was her share over the past two decades, justifies in all fairness that she be given the right to govern herself.—————————————————————————————— All these statistics have been taken from official and other reliable sources which include : National Planning Commission, 20 Years of Pakistan, Central Bureau of Education, Depart­ment of Investment Promotion, Central Board of Revenue, Central Statistical Office, Pakistan Year Book, 1970, Marine Fisheries Department, Pakistan Economic Survey, Government of Pakistan Budgets, Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, Financial Times, The Economist, Developponent Prospects of Pakistan (by a Norwegian Economist).